In the yeere 1570 I was sworne Her Majesties servant, from which time untill the yere 1580 I served, honoured, and loved her with as great readinesse, devotion and assurance as any poore subject in England. In the end of that yere, and untill Midsomer 1582 I had some trouble for the hurting of a gentleman of the Temple. In which action I was so disgraced and oppressed by two great men (to whome I have of late beene beholden) that I never had contented thought since. There began my misfortune, and here followeth my wofull fall. In Julie after, I laboured for licence to travaile for three yeeres, which (upon some consideration) was easily obtained. And so in August I went over with doubtfull minde of returne, for that being suspected in religion and not having received the Communion in 22. yeeres, I began to mistrust my advauncement in England. In September I came to Paris, where I was reconciled to the Church and advised to live without scandale, the rather for that it was mistrusted by the English Catholiques that I had intelligence with the greatest counsellour of Englande. I stayed not long there, but remooved to Lyons (a place of great traffique) where, because it was the ordinarie passage of our nation to and fro betweene Paris and Rome I was also suspected. To put all men out of doubt of me, and for some other cause, I went to Millaine, from whence as a place of some daunger (though I founde favour there) after I had cleared my conscience and justified my selfe in religion before the Inquisitour, I went to Venice,
13. There I came acquain∣ted with father Benedicto Palmio, a grave and a learned Jesuite. By conference with him of the hard state of the Catholiques in England, and by reading of the Booke De persecutione Anglicana 
and other discourses of like argument, I conceived a possible meanes 
to relieve the afflicted state of our Catholiques, if the same might be wel warranted in religion and conscience by the Pope, or some learned divines. I asked his opinion, hee made it cleare, commended my devotion, comforted mee in it, and after a while made me knowen to the Nuntio Campeggio, there resident for His Holinesse. By his meanes I wrote to the Pope, presented the service, and sued for a pasport to goe to Rome, and to returne safely into France. Answere came from Cardinal Como that I might come and should be welcome. I misliked the warrant, sued for a better, which I was promised, but it came not before my departure to Lyons, where I promised to stay some time for it. And being indeede desirous to goe to Rome and lothe to goe without countenaunce, I desired Christofero de Salazar, Secretarie to the King Catholique in Venice, who had some understanding by conference of my devotion to the afflicted Catholiques at home and abroad, to commende me to the Duke di Nova Terra, Governour of Millan, and to the Counte of Oliuvris Embi, then resident for the king his master in Rome. Which he promised to do effectually for the one and did for the other. And so I tooke my journey towards Lyons, whither came for me an ample passeport (but somewhat too late,) that I might come and goe in verbo pontificis per omnes iurisdictiones ecclesiasticas absque impedimenot [through all jurisdictions in accordance with the Pope's bidding, without any let or hinderance.] I acquainted some good fathers there of my necessitie to depart towardes Paris by promise, and praied their advises upon divers [various] poyntes, wherein I was well satisfied. And so assuring them that His Holinesse shoulde heare from me shor∣ly, it was undertaken that I shoulde bee excused for that time. In October I came to Paris, where (uppon better opinion conceived of mee amongst my Catholike countriemen) I founde my credit wel setled, and such as mistrusted me before readie to trust and imbrace me.
14. And being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholike gentleman (greatly beloved and trusted on that side) amongest other gentlemen, talking (but in very good sort) of Englande, I was desired by Morgan to goe up with him to another chamber, where he brake with me and told mee that it was hoped and looked for, that I shoulde doe some service for God and his Church. I answered him I would do it, if it were to kill the greatest subject in England: whome I named and in trueth then hated. “ No no,” said he, “let him live to his greater fal and ruine of his house. It is the Queene I meane.” I had him as I wished, and tolde him it were soone done if it might be lawfully done, and warranted in the opinion of some learned divines. And so the doubt once resolved (though, as you have heard, I was before reasonably well satisfied) I vowed to undertake the enterprise for the restitution of England to the auncient obedience of the Sea Apostolique. Divers divines were named. Doctor Alleine I desired, Persons I refused. And by chance came Maister Wattes, a learned priest, with whom I conferred and was ouerruled. For he plainly pronounced (the case only altered in name) that it was utterly unlawfull,: with whom many English priestes did agree, as I have heard, if it be not altered since the booke made in answere of The Execution of the English Justice was published, which I must confesse hath taken hard hold in me, and (I feare me) wil do in others, if it be not prevented by more g racious handling of the quiet and obedient Catholique subjects, whereof there is good and greater store in England then this age wil extinguish.
15. Wel, notwithstanding all these doubts, I was gone so farre by letters and conference in Italie that I coulde not goe backe, but promised faithfully to performe the enterprise, if His Holinesse upon my offer and letters would allowe it, and grant me ful remission of my sinnes. I wrote my letters the first of Januarie 1584. by their computation, tooke advise upon them in confession of Father Aniball a Codreto a learned Jesuite in Paris, was louingly embraced, commended, confessed, and communicated at the Jesuites at one altar with the Cardinalles of Vandosmi and Narbone, whereof I prayed certificate, and enclosed the same in my letter to His Holinesse to leade him the rather to absolve me, which I required by my letters, in consideration of so great an enterprise undertaken without promise or reward. I went with Morgan to the Nuntio Ragazzoni, to whome I read the letter and certificate enclosed, sealed it, and left it with him to send to Rome: hee promised great care of it, and to procure answere, and so lovingly imbraced me, wished mee good speede, and promised that I should be remembred at the altar. After this I desired Morgan, that some special man might be made privie to this matter, lest hee dying, and I miscarying in the execution, and my entent never truely discovered, it might sticke for an everlasting spot in my race. Divers were named, but none agreed upon for feare of bewraying. This being done, Morgan assured me that shortly after my departure, the L. Fernehurst (then in Paris) should goe into Scotland and bee readie upon the first newes of the Queenes fal, to enter into England with 20 or 30000 men to defend the Queene of Scotland, (whome, and the King her sonne, I doe in my conscience acquite of any privitie, liking, or consent to this, or any other bad action, for any thing that ever I did knowe).
16. I shortly departed for England and arrived at Rie in Januarie 1583, from whence I wrote to the Court, advertised some, that I had a special service to discover to the Queens Majestie, which I did more to prepare accesse and credit then for any care I had of her person, though I were fully resolved never to touch her (notwithstanding any warrant) if by any devise, persuasion, or policie shee might bee wrought to deale more graciously with the Catholiques then she doeth, or by our maner of proceeding in Parliament meaneth to doe, for any thing yet seene. I came to the Court, (them at Whitehal), praied audience, had it at large, and very priuately discovered to Her Majestie this conspiracie, much to this effect, though covered with all the skil I had. She tooke it doubtfully, I departed with feare. And amongst other things I cannot forget Her Majesties gracious speech then uttered touching the Catholiques, which of late, after a sort I avowed in Parliament. She said to mee that never a Catholique should be troubled for religion or supremacie, so long as they lived like good subjects. Wherby I mistrusted that Her Majestie is borne in hande that none is troubled for the one or the other. It may be truely said that it is better then it hath bene, though it be not yet as it should be. In March last, while I was at Greenewich (as I remember) suing for S. Katherines, came letters to mee from Cardinall Como, dated at Rome the last of Januarie before, whereby I found the enterprise commended, and allowed, and my selfe absolved (in His Holines name) of all my sinnes, and willed to go forward in the name of God. That letter I shewed to some in Court, who imparted it to the Queene. What it wrought or may worke in Her Majestie God knoweth: only this I know, that it confirmed my resolution to kill her, and made it cleare in my conscience that it was lawfull and meritorious. And yet was I determined never to doe it if either pollicie, practise, persuasion, or motion in Parliament could prevayle. I feared to be tempted, and therefore alwayes when I came neere her I left my dagger at home. When I looked upon Her Majestie and remembred her many excellencies, I was greatly troubled. And yet I sawe no remedie, for my vowes were in heaven, my letters and promises in earth, and the case of the Catholique recusaunts and others little bettered. Some times I said to my selfe, “Why should I care for her? What hath shee done for me? Have I not spent 10000 markes since I knew her service and never had penie by her? It may be said she gave me my life. But I say (as my case stoode) it had bene tyranny to take it. And I feare me it is litle lesse yet. If it please her graciously to looke into my discontentments, I would to Jesus Christ she had it, for I am weary of it.”
17. And nowe to come to an end of this tragical discourse. In July I left the Court, utterly rejected, discontented, and as Her Majestie might perceive by my passionate letters, carelesse of my selfe. I came to London, Doctor Allens booke was sent me out of Fraunce, it redoubled my former conceites. Every word in it was a warrant to a prepared mind It taught that kings may be excommunicated, depriv ed, and violently handled. It proveth that al warres civill or forraine undertaken for religion is honourable. Her Majestie may do wel to reade it and to be out of doubt (if things be not amended) that it is a warning and a doctrine ful dangerous. This is the booke I shewed, in some places read, and lent to my cousin Nevil (the accuser) who came often to mine house, put his finger in my dish, his hande in my purse, and the night wherein he accused me, was wrapped in my gowne, sixe moneths at least after wee had entred into this conspiracie. In which space Her Majestie, and 10 princes in several provinces might have bene killed. God blesse Her Majestie from him, for before Almightie God I joy and am glad in my soule that it was his hap to discover me in time, though there were no danger neere.
18. And nowe to the maner of our meetings. He came to me in the beginning of August and spake to me in this or like sorte. “Cousin, let us doe somewhat sithens [since] we can have nothing.” I offered to joyne with him and gladly heard him, hoping because I knewe him to be a Catholique, that he woulde hit upon that I had in my head. But it fell not out so. He thought the deliverie of the Queene of Scotlande easie, presuming upon his credit and kindred in the North. I thought it daungerous to her and impossible to men of our fortunes. He fell from that to the taking of Barwicke: I spake of Quinborough and the Navie , rather to entertaine him with discourse then that I cared for those motions, my head being full of a greater matter. I told him that I had another maner of enterprise more honourable and profitable to us and the Catholiques common wealth then all these, if he woulde joyne in it with me, as he presently vowed to do. He pressed to knowe it, I willed him to sleepe upon the motion: He did so, (and belike overtaken) came to me the next morning to my lodging in London, offered to joyne with me, and tooke his othe upon a Bible to conceale and constantly to pursue the enterprise for the advancement of religion, which I also did, and meant to perfourme the killing of the Queene was the matter. The maner and place to be on horsebacke, with eight or tenne horses, when shee shoulde ryde abroade about S. James or some other like place. It was once thought fit in a garden, and that the escape woulde be easiest by water into Shepey or some other part, but wee resolved upon the first. This continued as agreed upon many moneths untill he heard of the death of Westmerland, whose land and dignitie (wherof he assured himselfe) bread belike this conscience in him to discover a treason in Februarie, contrived and agreed upon in August. If it cost him not an ambitious head at last, let him never trust me. He brought a tall gentleman (whom he commended for an excellent pisto∣lier) to me to Chanon Rowe to make one in the matche, but I refused to deale with him, being loth to laye my head upon so many hands. Master Nevil hath (I thinke) forgotten that hee did sweare to me at divers time that all the advancement she coulde give shoulde serve but for her scourge, if ever time and occasion shoulde serve, and that though hee woulde not lay hand upon her in a corner, his hart served him to strike off her head in the fielde.
19. Nowe leaving him to himselfe, this much (to make an ende) I must confesse of my self, I did meane to trie what might be done in Parliament, to doe my best to hinder all hard courses, to have prayed hearing of the Queenes Majestie to move her (if I coulde) to take compassion upon her Catholique subjectes, and when all had fayled to doe as I entended. If her Majestie by this course would have eased them, though she had never preferred me, I had with all comfort and patience borne it, but if she had preferred me without ease or care of them, the enterprise had held Parry. God preserve the Queene and encline her mercifull heart to forgive me this desperate purpose, and to take my head (with all my heart) for her better satisfaction.
20. After which, Febru. 14, for the better manifesting of his treasons, on the xiiij. of Februarie last there was a letter written by him to her Majestie, very voluntarily, al of his owne hand, without any motion made to him. The tenor whereof, for that which concerneth these his traiterous dealings, is as followeth.
W. CHREICHTONS LETTER, FEBR. 20
The maner of the arraignement of William Parry the xxv. of Februarie, 1584 at Westminster, in the place where the courte commonly called the Kings Bench, is usually kept by vertue of Her Majisties Commission of Oyer and Terminer, before Henrie L. Hunsdon Governour of Barwicke, Sir Francis Knolles knight, Treasorer of the Queenes Majesties housholde, Sir James Croft knight, Comptroller of the same houshold, Sir Christopher Hatton knight, Vicechamberlaine to Her Majestie, Sir Christopher Wray knight, Chiefe Justice of Englande, Sir Gilberte Gerrard knight, Master of the Rolles, Sir Edmund Anderson knight, chiefe Justice of the Common Plees, Sir Roger Manwood knight, Chiefe Barron of the Eschequer, and Sir Tho∣mas Hennage knight, Treasorer of the Chamber. FIrst, three proclamations for silence were made according to the usuall course in such cases. Then the Lieutenant was commaunded to returne his precept, which did so, and brought the prysoner to the barre, to whom Miles Sandes esquire, Clerke of the Crowne sayde:
26. “William Parrie, hold up thy hand,” and he did so. Then said the Clerke of the Crowne, “Thou art here indicted by the othes of xij. good and lawful men of the Countie of Middlesex, before Sir Christopher Wray Knight, and others which tooke the indictment by the name of William Parry late of London gentleman, the indictment. otherwise called William Parry, late of London, Doctor of the Lawe, for that thou as a false traitor against the most noble and Christian prince, Queene E∣lizabeth thy most gracious Soveraigne and liege Ladie, not having the feare of God before thine eyes, nor regarding thy due allegiance, but being seduced by the instigation of the devill, and intending to withdrawe and extinguish the heartie love and due obedience which true and faithfull subjectes shoulde beare unto the same our soueraigne Ladie, diddest at Westminster in the Coun∣ie of Middlesex on the first day of Februarie, in the xxvi. yeere of Her Highnesse raigne, and at divers other times and places in the same Countie, maliciously, and trayterously conspire and compasse, not onely to deprive and depose the same our Soveraigne Ladie of her Royall estate, title and dignitie, but also to bring Her Highnesse to death and finall destruction, and sedition in the realme to make, and the governement thereof to subvert, and the sincere religion of God established in Her Highnesse dominions to alter and subvert.
27 “And that, whereas thou, William Parry, by thy letters sent unto Gregorie Bishoppe of Rome, diddest signifie unto the same Bishoppe thy purposes and intentions aforesayde, and thereby diddest pray and require [request] the same Bishoppe to give thee absolution, that thou afterwards, that is to say, the last day of March in the xxvj. yeere aforesayde, diddest trayterously receive letters from one called Cardinall de Como, directed unto thee, William Parry, whereby the same Cardinall did signifie unto thee that the Bishoppe of Rome had perused thy letters and allowed [approved] of thine intent, and that to that ende hee had absolved thee of all thy sinnes, and by the same letter did animate and stirre thee to proceede with thine enterprise, and that therupon thou, the last day of August in the xxvj. yeere aforesaide, at Saint Giles in the fieldes, in the same Countie of Middlesex, diddest trayterously conferre with one Edmunde Nevill Esquire, uttering to him all thy wicked and trayterous devises, and then and there diddest move him to assist thee therin, and to joyne with thee in those wicked treasons aforesayd against the peace of our sayd soveraigne Ladie the Queene, her Crowne and dig∣nity: What sayest thou, William Parry, art thou guilty of these treasons whereof thou standest here indicted, or not guiltie?”
28. PARRIES ANSWERE TO THE INDICTMENT
Then Parry sayde, “Before I pleade not guiltie or confesse my selfe guiltie, I pray you give me leave to speake a fewe words,” and with humbling himselfe began in this maner: “God save Queene Elizabeth, and God sende mee grace to discharge my duetie to her, and to send you home in charitie. But touching the matters that I am indicted of, some were in one place, and some in another, and done so secretely, as none can see into them except that they had eyes like unto God. Wherefore I will not lay my blood upon the jurie, but doe minde to confesse the indictment. It containeth but the parts that have bene openly redde, I pray you tel me?” Whereunto it was answered that the indictment conteined the partes he had heard redde and no other. Whereupon the Clarke of the Crowne saide unto Parry, “Parry, thou must answere directly to the indictment whether thou be guiltie or not.” Then sayde Parry, “Parrie confesseth that he is guilty of all things conteyned in the indict∣ment. I doe confesse that I am guiltie of al that is therein contained. And further to, I desire not life, but desire to die.” Unto which the Clarke of the Crowne sayd, “If you confesse it, you must confesse it in maner and fourme as it is comprised in the indictment.” Whereunto he sayd, “I doe confesse it in maner and fourme as the same is set downe, and all the circumstances thereof.” Then, the confession being recorded, the Queenes learned counsel being readie to pray judgement upon the same confession, Master Vicechamberlaine sayde, “These matters contained in this indictment, and confessed by this man, are of great importance. They touch the person of the Queenes most excellent Majestie in the highest degree, the very state and weldoing of the whole common wealth, and the trueth of Gods Worde established in these Her Majesties dominions, and the open demonstration of that capitall [fatal] envie of the man of Rome that hath set himselfe against God and all godlinesse, all good princes and good government, and against good men. Wherefore, I pray you, for the satisfaction of this great multitude, let the whole matter appeare that every one may see that the matter of it selfe is as bad as the indictment purporteth, and as he hath confessed. Wherto in respect that the justice of the Realme hath bin of late very impudently slaundered, al yeelded as a thing necessarie to satisfie the world in particular, of that which was but summarily comprised in the indictment, though in the lawe his confession served sufficiently to have proceeded thereupon unto judgement.”
29. Whereupon the Lordes and others the Commissioners, Her Majesties learned Counsel, and Parry himself agreed that Parrys confession (taken the xj. and xiij. of Februarie 1584 before the Lord of Hunsdon, Master Vicechamberlaine, and Master Secretarie), and Cardinall de Como his letters, and Parrys letters to the Lorde Treasourer and Lorde Stewarde, should be openly read. And Parry, for the better satisfying of the people and standers by, offered to reade them him selfe. But being tolde that the order was the Clerke of the Crowne should reade them, it was so resolved of all partes. And then Master Vicechamberlaine caused to be shewed to Parry his sayde confession, the Cardinals letter, and his owne letter aforesayde, which after hee had particularly viewed every leafe thereof, he confessed and sayde openly they were the same. Then sayde master Vicechamberlaine, “Before we proceede to shewe what he hath confessed, what say you?” sayd he to Parry, “Is that which you have confessed here true, and did you confesse it freely and willingly of your selfe, or was then any extort meanes used to drawe it from you?” Surely” sayde Parry, “I made that confession freely without any constraint, and that is all true, and more too. For there is no treason that hath bene sithens the first yeere of the Queene any way touching religion, saving receipt of Agnus Dei and perswading of others wherein I have not much dealt but I have offended in it. And I have also delivered mine opinion in writing who ought to bee successor to the Crowne, which he sayde to be treason also. Then his confession of the eleventh and thirteenth of Februarie, Parrys confession of his treasons was red by his owne assent, all of his owne hand writing, and before particularly sette downe, was openly, and distinctly red by the Clarke of the Crowne. And that done, the Cardinall di Como his letter in Italian was delivered unto Parrys hande by the direction of Master Vicechamberlayne, which Parry there perused. A letter of Cardinall di Como to Parry also red and openly affirmed to bee wholy of the Cardinals owne hand writing, and the seale to bee his owne also, and to bee with a Cardinals hat on it. And himselfe did openly read it in Italian, as before is set downe. And the wordes bearing sence as it were written to a Bishop or to a man of such degree, it was demaunded of him by Master Vicechamberlayne whether he had not taken the degree of a Bishoppe? He said No, but said at first, those termes were proper to the degree hee had taken, and after saide that the Cardinall did vouchsafe as of a favour to write so to him. Then the coppie of that letter in English as before is also set downe, was in like maner openly red by the Clarke of the Crowne, which Parry then acknowledged to be truely translated. And thereupon was shewed unto Parry his letter of the xviij. of Februarie, Parrys letter of the 18. of Febru. to the L. Treasorer and the Earle of Leycester red, written to the Lord Treasorer, and the Lord Steward: which he confessed to bee all of his owne hand writing and was as before is set downe.
30. These matters being redde openly for manifestation of the matter, Parry prayed leave to speake: whereto Master Vicechamberlayne sayde, “If you will say any thing for the better opening to the worlde of those your foule and horrible facts, speake on. But if you meane to make any excuse of that which you have confessed, which els would have bene and do stand proved against you, for my part I will not sit to heare you. Then Her Majesties Attourney general stood up and said, “It appeareth before, you my Lords, that this man hath bene indicted and arraigned of severall most haynous and horri∣ble treasons, and hath confessed them, which is before you of recorde. Wherefore there resteth [remains] no more to be done, but for the Court to give judgement accordingly, the Queenes Attourney requireth judgement. which here I require in the behalfe of the Queenes Majestie.” Then said Parry, “I pray you heare me for discharging of my conscience. I will not goe about to excuse myselfe, nor to seeke to save my life, I care not for it. You havemy confession of recorde, that is enough for my life. And I meane to utter more, for which I were worthie to die.” And sayde, “I pray you heere mee, in that I am to speake to discharge my conscience.” Then said Master Vicechamberlayne, “Parry, then doe thy duetie according to conscience, and utter all that thou canst say concerning those thy most wicked facts.” Then said Parry, “My cause is rare, singular and unnaturall, conceyved at Venice, presented in generall wordes to the Pope, undertaken at Paris, commended and allowed of by His Holines, and was to have bene executed in Eng∣and if it had not bene prevented. Yea, I have committed many treasons, for I have committed treason in being reconciled, and treason in taking absolution. Parry had for his credit aforetime said very secretly that he had bene solicited beyond the seas to commit the fact, but he would not do it, wherewith he craftily abused both the Queenes Maiesty and those two Counsellers whereof he now woulde helpe himselfe with these false speeches against most manifest proofes. There hath bene no treason sithens the first yeere of the Queenes reigne touching religion but that I am guiltie of (except for receiving of Agnus Dei, and perswading as I have said). And yet never intended to kil Queene Elizabeth. I appeale to her owne knowledge and to my Lorde Treasorers and Master Secretaries.” Then said my Lord Hunsdon, “Hast thou acknowledged it so often, and so plainly in writing under thy hande, and heere of recorde. And nowe, when thou shouldest have thy judgement according to that which thou hast confessed thy selfe guiltie of, doest thou goe backe againe, and deny the effect of all? Howe can wee beleeue that thou nowe sayest?” Then said my Lord Hunsdon, “Hast thou acknowledged it so often, and so plainly in writing under thy hande, and he ere of recorde. And nowe, when thou shouldest have thy judgement according to that which thou hast confessed thy selfe guiltie of, doest thou goe backe againe, and deny the effect of all? Howe can wee beleeue that thou nowe sayest?”
31. MASTER VICECHAMBERLAINES SPEACHES PROVING MANIFESTLY PARRYS TRAITEROUS INTENTIONS
Then said Master Vicechamberlaine, either to “This is absurd.Thou hast not onely confessed generally that thou wert guilty according to the indictement, which summarily, and yet in expresse woordes doeth conteyne that thou haddest trayterously compassed and intended the death and destruction of Her Majestie, but thou also saydest particularly that thou wert guilty of every of the treasons conteined therein, whereof the same was one in playne and expresse letter set downe, and red unto thee. Yea, thou saydest that thou were guilty of moe [more] treasons too besides these. And diddest thou not upon thy examination voluntaryly confesse howe thou wast moved first thereunto by mislike of thy state after thy departure out of the realme, and that thou diddest mislike Her Majestie for that shee had done nothing for thee, howe by wicked Papistes and Popish bookes thou wert perswaded that it was lawfull to kill Her Majestie, howe thou wert by reconciliation become one of that wicked sort that helde Her Majestie for neyther lawfull Queene nor Christian, and that it was meritorious to kill her? And diddest thou not signifie that thy purpose to the Pope by letters and receivedst letters from the Cardinall howe he allowed of thyne intent and excited thee to perfourme it, and thereupon diddest receive absolution? And diddest thou not conceyve it, promise it, vow it, sweare it, and receyve the sacrament that thou wouldest doe it? And diddest not thou thereupon affirm that thy vowes were in heaven, and thy letters and promyses on earth to bynde thee to doe it? And that whatsoever Her Majestie would have done for thee coulde not have removed thee from that intention or purpose, unlesse she would havedesisted from dealing as shee hath done with the Catholiques, as thou callest them? All this thou hast plainely confessed, and I protest before this great assembly thou hast confessed it more playnely and in better sort then my memory will serve me to utter. And sayest thou now, that thou never mentest it?“
32. “Ah,” sayde Parry, “your honours know howe my confession upon myne examination was extorted.” Then both the Lord Hunsdon and Master Vicechamberlayne affirmed that there was no torture or threatning wordes offered him. But Parry then sayde that they tolde him that if hee would not confesse willingly he should have torture, wherunto their honours answered that they used not any spech or worde of torture to him. “You sayde,” sayd Parry, “that you would proceede with rigour against me if I would not confesse it of my selfe.” But their honours expresly affirmed that they used no such words. “But I will tell thee,” sayd Master Vicechamberlayne, “what we saide. I spake these words, ‘If you will willingly utter the truth of your selfe, it may do you good, and I wish you to doe so. If you will not, wee must then proceede in ordinary course to take your examination.’ Whereunto you answered that you would tell the trueth of your selfe. Parry reproved of false speaches, and so by himselfe also confessed. Was not this true?” which then hee yeelded unto. And hereunto her Majesties Attourney Generall put Parry in remembraunce what speeches hee used to the Lieutenant of the Tower, the Queenes Majesties Serjant at Lawe, Master Gaudie, and the same Attourney on Satterday the twentieth of February last at the Tower, upon that hee was by them then examined by order from the Lords, which was, that he acknowledged he was most myldely and favourably dealt with in all his examinations, which he also at the barre then acknowledged to be true. Then Master Vicechamberlayne sayde that it was wonder to see the magnanymitie of Her Majestie, “which after that thou haddest opened those trayterous practises in sort as thou hast layd it downe in thy confession, was neverthelesse such and so farre from all feare, as that shee woulde not so much as acquaint any one of Her Highnes Privie Counsel with it, to his knowledge, no not until after this thine enterprise discovered and made manifest. And besides that which thou hast set downe under thine owne hande, thou diddest confesse that thou haddest prepared two Scottish daggers fit for such a purpose and, those being disposed away by thee, thou diddest say that an other would serve thy turne. And with all, Parry, diddest thou not also confesse before us howe wonderfully thou wert appauled and perplexed upon a suddaine at the presence of Her Majestie at Hampton Court this last sommer, saying that thou diddest thinke thou then sawest in her the very likenes and image of King Henry the Seventh? And that therewith, and upon some speeches used by Her Majestie, thou diddest turne about and weepe bitterly to thy selfe? And yet diddest call to mynde that thy vowes were in heaven, thy letters and promises on earth, and that therefore thou diddest say with thy selfe that there was no remedy but to do it? Diddest thou not confesse this?”
32. THE LORDE OF HUNSDONS SPEACHES CONVINCING [convicting] PARRY MANIFESTLY OF HIS TREASON
The which he acknowledged. Then saide the Lorde Hunsdon, “Sayest thou nowe that thou diddest nevuer meane to kill the Queene? Diddest thou not confesse, that when thou diddest utter this practise of trecherie to Her Majestie, that thou diddest cover it with al the skill thou haddest, and that it was done by thee, rather to get credite and accesse thereby then for any regard thou haddest of her person? But in trueth thou diddest it that thereby thou mightest have better oportunitie to performe thy wicked enterprise. And wouldest thou have runne into such feare as thou diddest confesse that thou wert in when thou diddest utter it, if thou haddest never meant it? What reason canst thou shewe for thy selfe?” With that he cryed out in a furious maner, “I never meant to kill her. I will lay my blood upon Queene Elizabeth and you, before God and the worlde,”and thereupon fell into a rage and evill wordes with the Queenes Majesties Attourney Generall. Then said the Lord Hunsdon, “This is but thy popish pride and ostentation, which thou wouldest have to be told to thy fellowes of that faction to make them believe that thou diest for poperie, when thou diest for most horrible and dangerous treasons against Her Majestie and thy whole countrey. For thy laying of thy blood, it must lye on thine owne head, as a just reward of thy wickednesse. The lawes of the realme most justly condemne thee to die out of thine owne mouth for the conspiring the destruction both of Her Majestie and of us all. Therefore thy blood be upon thee, neither Her Majestie nor we at any time sought it, thy selfe hast spilt it.”
Then he was asked what he coulde say why judgement of death ought not to be awarded against him. Whereto he said he did see that he must die, because he was not setled. “What meanest thou by that?” said Master Vicechamberlaine. Said he, “looke into your studie and into your newe bookes, and you shall finde what I meane.” “I protest (said his honour) I knowe not what thou meanest. Thou doest not well to use such darke speaches unlesse thou wouldest plainely utter what thou meanest thereby.” But he saide he cared not for death, and that hee would laye his blood amongst them.
33. THE LORDE CHIEFE JUSTICES SPEACHE TO PARRY
Then spake the Lorde Chiefe Justice of England, being required to give the judgement, and saide, “Parry, you have bene much heard, and what you meane by being setled I knowe not, but I see you are so setled in poperie that you cannot settle your selfe to be a good subject. But touching that you should say to stay judgement from being given against you, your speaches must be of one of these kindes, either to prove the inditement (which you haveconfessed to be true) to be insufficient in lawe, or els to pleade somewhat touching Her Majesties mercie, why justice should not bee of you. All other speaches wherein you have used great libertie is more then by lawe you can aske. These be the matters you must looke to, what say you to them?” Whereto he said nothing. Then said the Lord Chiefe Justice, “Parry, thou hast bene before this time indited of divers most horrible and hatefull treasons, committed against thy most gratious soveraigne and native country, The matter most detestable, the maner most subtile and dangerous, and the occasions and meanes that led thee thereunto most ungodly and villanous. That thou diddest intende it is most evident by thy selfe. The matter was the destruction of a most sacred and an anoynted Queene thy soveraigne and mystresse, who hath shewed thee such favour as some thy betters have not obtained, yea the overthrowe of thy countrey wherein thou wert borne, and of a most happie common wealth whereof thou art a member, and of such a Queene as hath bestowed on thee the benefite of all benefites in this worlde, that is, thy life, heretofore graunted thee by her mercie when thou haddest lost it by justice and desert. Yet thou her servant, sworne to defende her, meantest with thy bloodie hande to have taken away her life, that mercifully gave thee thine when it was yeelded into her handes. This is the matter wherein thou hast offended. The maner was most subtile and dangerous beyonde all that before thee have committed any wickednes against Her Majestie. For thou making shewe as if thou wouldest simplie have uttered for her safetie the evill that others had contrived, diddest but seeke thereby credite and accesse that thou mightest take the apter opportunitie for her destruction.
34. And for the occasions and meanes that drewe thee on, they were most ungodly and villanous, as the perswasions of the Pope, of Papists and Popish bookes. The Pope pretendeth that hee is a pastour when as in trueth hee is farre from feeding of the flocke of Christ, but rather as a woolfe seeketh but to feede on and to sucke out the blood of true Christians, and as it were thirsteth after the blood of our most gracious and Christian Queene. And these Papists and Popish bookes, while they pretende to set foorth divinitie, they doe in deede most ungodly teach and perswade that which is quite contrarie both to God and His Worde. For the word teacheth obedience of subjectes towardes princes, and forbiddeth any private man to kill, but they teache subjectes to disobey princes, and that a private wicked person may kill. Yea, and whom? A most godly Queene and their owne naturall and most gracious soveraigne. Let all men therefore take heede how they receive anything from him, heare or reade any of their bookes, and howe they conferre with any Papists. God graunt Her Majestie that she may know by thee, howe ever shee trust such like to come so neere her person! But see the ende and why thou diddest it, and it will appeare to bee a most miserable, fearefull and foolish thing: For thou diddest imagine that it was to relieve those that thou callest Catholiques, who were most likely amongst all others to have felt the worst of it if thy devilish practise had taken effect. But sith [since] thou hast bene indited of the treasons comprised in the inditement and thereupon arraigned, and hast confessed thy selfe guiltie of them, the Court doth award the fourme of the judgement against the traytour, that thou shalt be had from hence to the place whence thou diddest come, and so drawne through the open citie of London upon an hurdle to the place of execution, and there to bee hanged and let downe alive, and thy privie partes cutte off, and thy entrails taken out and burnt in thy sight, then thy head to be cut off, and thy body to be devided in foure partes, and to be disposed at Her Majesties pleasure, and God have mercie on thy soule.”
35. Parry neverthelesse persisted still in his rage and fonde [crazed] speach, and ragingly there sayd he there summoned Queene Elizabeth to answere for his blood before God, wherwith, the Lieutenant of the Tower was commaunded to take him from the barre, and so he did. And upon his departure the people, striken as it were at heart with the horrour of his intended enterprise, ceased not, but pursued him with outcryes, as away with the traitour, away with him and suchlike. Whereupon he was conveyed to the barge, to passe to the Tower againe by water, and the court was adjorned.
36. After which, W. Parry the traitour executed upon the second day of this instant March. William Parry was by vertue of processe in that behalfe awarded from the same Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer delivered by the Lieutenant of the Tower early in the morning unto the Sheriffes of London and Middlesex, who received him at the Tower hill, and thereupon, according to the judgement, caused him there to be foorthwith set on the hurdell. From whence hee was drawen thereupon through the middest of the Citie of London unto the place for his execution in the Pallace at Westminster, where, having long time of stay admitted unto him before his execution, he most maliciously and impudently, after some other vayne discourses eftsoones [soon afterwards] and often delivered in speach that he was never gyltie of any intention to kill Queene Elizabeth, and so (without any request made by him to the people to pray to God for him, or prayer publiquely used by himselfe for ought that appeared, but such as he used, if he used any, was private to himselfe) he was executed according to the judgement.
37. And nowe for his intent, howe so ever hee pretended the contrary in words, yet by these his owne writings, confessions, letters, and many other proofes afore here expressed, it is most manifest to all persons howe horrible his intentions and treasons were, and how justly he suffered for the same, and thereby greatly to be doubted that as he had lived a long time vainely and ungodly, and like an atheist and godlesse man, so hee continued the same course till his death to the outwarde sight of men. Here endeth the true and playne course and processe of the treasons, arrest, arraignement, and execution of William Parry the traitour.
38. AN ADDITION NOT UNNECESSARIE FOR THIS PURPOSE
Forasmuch as Parry in the abundance of his proude and arrogant humour hath often, both in his confession and letters, pretended some great and grievous causes of discontentment against Her Majestie, and the present state, tt shall not bee impertinent, for better satisfaction of al persons, to set forth simplie and truely the condition and qualitie of the man, what he was by birth and education, and in what course of life he had lived.T his vile and trayterous wretch was one of the yonger sonnes of a poore man called Harry ap Dauid. Hee dwelled in Northwales in a litle village called Northoppe, in the County of Flint. There he kept a common ale house, which was the best and greatest stay of his living. In that house was this Traytour borne, his mother was the reputed daughter of one Conway a priest, parson of a poore parish called Halkyn in the same countie of Flint. His eldest brother dwelleth at this present in the same house, and there keepeth an ale house as his father did before him. This traytour in his childehood, so soone as hee had learned a litle to write and read, was put to serve a poore man dwelling in Chester named John Fisher, who professed to have some small skill and understanding in the law. With him he continued [various] yeres and served as a clerke to write such things as in that trade which his master used, he was appoynted. During this time, he learned the English tongue, and at such times of leasure, as the poore man his master had no occasion otherwise to use him, he was suffered to goe to the grammer schole, where he got some litle understanding in the Latin tongue. In this his childhood he was noted by such as best knew him to be of a most villanous and dangerous nature and disposition. He did often runne away from his master, and was often taken and brought to him againe. His master, to correct his perverse and frowarde conditions, did many times shut him as prysoner in some close place of his house, and many times caused him to be chayned, locked, and clogged [shut in] to stay his running away.
39. Yet all was in vayne: for about the thirde yeere of Her Majesties raigne, for his last farewel to his poore master: he ranne away from him and came to London to seeke his adventures. Hee was then constrayned to seeke what trade he coulde to live by, and to get meate and drinke for his bellie and clothes for his backe. His good happe [luck] in the ende was to be entertained in place of service above his desert [merit], where hee stayed not long but shifted himselfe [various] times from service to service, and from one master to another. Nowe he began to forget his olde home, his birth, his education, his parents, his friendes, his owne name, and what he was. He aspired to greater matters, he challenged [claimed] the name and title of a great gentleman, he vanted himselfe to be of kin and alied to noble and worshipfull, hee left his olde name which he did beare and was commonly called by in his childhood, and during all the time of his aboad in the countrey, which was William ap Harry (as the maner in Wales is.) And because he would seeme to be in deede the man which he pretended, hee tooke upon him the name of Parry, being the syrname of divers gentlemen of great worship and hauiour [prestige and carriage]. And because his mothers name by her father, a simple priest, was Conway, he pretended kinred to the familie of Sir John Conway, and so therby made himselfe of kin to Edmund Nevil.
40. Being allenthus set forth with his new name and newe title of gentleman, and commended by some of his good favourers, he matched himselfe in mariage with a widowe in Southwales, who brought him some reasonable portion of wealth. She lived with him but a short time, and the wealth he had with her lasted not long. It was soone consumed with his dissolute and wastfull maner of life. He was then driven to his wonted shifts, his creditors were many, the debt which he owed, great, he had nothing wherewith to make payment, he was continually pursued by Serjeants and Officers to arrest him, he did often by sleightes and shiftes escape from them. In this his needy and poore estate, he sought to repaire himselfe againe by a newe match in mariage with another widowe, which before was the wife of one Richard Heywood. This matter was so earnestly followed by himselfe, and so effectually commended by his friends and favourers, that the silly woman yeelded to take him to husband: a match in every respect very unequall and unfit. Her wealth and yeerely livelihood was very great, his poore and base estate worse then nothing, he very yong, she of such age as for yeeres she might have bene his mother. When hee had thus possessed himselfe of his newe wives wealth, he omitted nothing that might serue for a prodigall, dissolute, and most ungodly course of life. His ryot and excesse was unmeasurable, hee did most wickedly defloure his wives owne daughter, and sundry wayes pitifully abuse the olde mo∣ther. He caried himselfe for his outwarde port and countenance (so long as his olde wiues bagges [bags of money] lasted) in such sort, as might well have suffised for a man of very good hauiour and degree. But this lasted not long, his proude heart and wastfull hande had soone powred out olde Heywoods wealth.
41. He then fell againe to his wonted shiftes, borowed where he could finde any to lend, and ingaged his credit so farre as any would trust him. Amongst others, he became greatly indebted to Hugh Hare, the gentleman before named. Who after long forbearing of his money, sought to recover it by ordinarie meanes of lawe. For this cause Parry conceived great displeasure against him, which hee pursued with all malice, even to the seeking of his life. In this murtherous intent, hee came in the night time to M. Hares chamber in the Temple, broke open the doore, assaulted him and wounded him grievously, and so left him in great danger of life. For this offence he was apprehended, committed to Newgate, indicted of burgularie, arraigned, and founde guiltie by a very substanciall jurie, Parry condem∣ned for burgularie, pardoned of the Queene, and condemned to be hanged, as the law in that case requireth. He standing thus convicted, Her Majestie of her most gracious clemencie and pitifull disposition tooke compassion upon him, pardoned his offence, and gave him his life, which by the lawe and due course of justice hee ought then to have lost. After this hee taried not long, but pretending some causes of discontentment, departed the realme and traveiled beyonde the seas. Howe hee demeaned [behaved] himselfe there from time to time, and with whom he conversed, is partly in his owne confession touched before.
42. This is the man, this is his race, which hee feared should be spotted if he miscaried in thexecution of his traiterous enterprise, this hath bene the course of his life, these are the great causes of his discontentment. And whereas at his arraignement and execution hee pretended great care of the disobedient popish subjectes of this realme whom he called Catholiques, and in very insolent sort seemed to glory greatly in the profession of his pretensed Catholique religion. The whole course and action of his life sheweth plainely, how prophanely and irreligiously he did alwayes beare himselfe. He vaunted, that for these two and twentie yeeres past he had bene a Catholique, and during all that time never received the Communion. Yet before he traveyled beyond the seas, at three severall times within the compasse of those two and twentie yeeres, he did voluntarily take the othe of obedience to the Queenes Majestie set downe in the statute made in the first yere of Her Highnesse reigne, by which, amongst other things, he did testifie and declare in his conscience, that no power, preeminence, or authoritie ecclesiastical or spiritual, within this realme, and therefore did utterly renounce and forsake all foraine jurisdictions, powers, and authorities, and did promise to beare faith and true allegiance to the Queenes Highnesse, her heires and lawfull successours.
43. With what conscience or religion he tooke that othe so often, if he were then a Papist indeede, as sithence the discoverie of his treasons he pretended, let his best friends the papists themselves judge. But perhaps it may be saide that he repented those his offences past: that since those three othes so taken by him he was twise reconciled to the Pope, and so his conscience cleared, and he become a newe man, and (which is more) that in the time of his last travel he cast away all his former lewde maners, that he changed his degree and habite, and bought or begged the grave title of a Doctor of Lawe, for which hee was well qualified with a litle grammer schoole Latine, that he had plenary indulgence and remission of all his sinnes in consideration of his undertaking of so holy an enterprise as to kill Queene Elizabeth, a sacred anoynted Queene, his natural and Soveraigne Ladie; that he promised to the Pope, and vowed to God to perfourme it; that he confirmed the same by receiving the sacrament at the Jesuites, at one altar with his two beaupeeres [boon companions] the Cardinalles of Vandosme and Narbone; and that since his last returne into England he did take his othe upon the Bible to execute it. These reasons may seeme to beare some weight indeede amongst his friendes the Jesuites and other papistes of state who have speciall skill in matters of such importance. But nowe lately in the beginning of this Parliament in November last hee did eftsones solemnely in publique place take the othe before mentioned of obedience to Her Majestie. Howe that may stande with his reconciliations to the Pope, and with his promises, vowes, and othe to kill the Queene, it is a thing can hardly bee warranted, unlesse it bee by some speciall priviledge of the Popes omnipotencie.
44. But let him have the glorie hee desired, to live and die a Papist. Hee deserved it, it is fit for him, his death was correspondent to the course of his life, which was disloyall, perjured, and traiterous towardes Her Majestie, and false and perfidious towardes the Pope himselfe, and his Catholiques if they will beleeve his solemne protestations which he made at his arraignement and execution, that he never ment nor intended any hurt to Her Highnes person. For if that be true, where are then his vowes which he said were in heauen, his letters and promises upon earth? Why hath he stollen out of the Popes shoppe so large an indu∣gence and plenarie remission of all his sinnes, and meant to perfourme nothing that hee promised? Why was his devotion and zeale so highly commended? Why was hee so specially prayed for and remembred at the Altar? All these great favours were then bestowed upon him without cause or desert, for hee deceived the Pope, he deceived the Cardinals and Jesuites, with a false semblance and pretence to do that thing which he never meant. But the matter is cleare, the conspiracie, and his traiterous intent is too plaine and evident, It is the Lorde that revealed it in time and prevented their malice. There lacked no wil or readinesse in him to execute that horrible fact [deed]. It is the Lorde that hath preserved Her Majestie from all the wicked practises and conspiracies of that hellish rable. Itt is Hee that hath most graciously delivered her from the hands of this traiterous miscreant. The Lord is her onely defence, in whome shee hath alwayes trusted.
45. THE PRINTER TO THE READER
When I had taken in hande and beganne the printing of this treatise or declaration aforesaide, a gentleman of good understanding and learning came to me, and being made acquainted by mee with the former treatise, hee saide that hee had by conference with divers [various others] that were at the araignement of this traytor, where also he himselfe was present, collected together the whole proceeding against him, and had also attained to the viewe of all his confessions, his letters, and other writings there published against him: by all which, hee had gathered into a shorte treatise most manifest proofes of the horrible treason intended by the traytor against Her Majestie. And although the former treatise doeth at length manifestly declare the same, yet I required this Gentleman my friende to graunt mee the copying of his collections, which hee was willing to doe. And so I hab bene bolde, for the more ample satisfaction of every reader, to adde the same hereunto. Wherein also (gentle Reader) thou shalt finde inserted these figures, 1.2.3.4. &c,. till 13. And the like in the Traitors owne confession, by which is noted the principall pointes of the drift of this most horrible treason.
46. A fewe observations gathered out of the very wordes and writings of William Parry the traytour, applied to prove his trayterous conjuration [conspiracy], with a resolute intent, imagination, purpose, and obstinate determination to have killed Her Majestie, our most gratious soveraigne, whome the Lorde hath saved, and ever may He save by His mercy. This W. Parry the traytor, 1.) confesseth to have conceived the treason at Venice, by conference with Ben. Palmio, of whom he still thinketh so well as he can not but speake of him with reverent mention, whereas if he had never thought, or did dd nowe forethinke [premeditate] the treason, hee would rather curse the time that ever hee met with such a bloody and treacherous ghostly father. Well, this grave and learned Frier Palmio (saith he) made the matter cleare in religion and conscience, and commended the traytours devotion. This treason Parry so apprehended as he wrote presently to the Pope, presenting the service. 2.) Returned to Paris, hee conferred with Morgan, vowed to performe it for restitution of England, &c,. 3.) Being disswaded (as the credible man writeth) by Wats, he replied that he was gone so farre as he could not go backe, but promised faithfully to perfourme thenterprise, if the Pope woulde upon his offers and letters allowe it and graunt remission ∣on &c, Where this by the way is to be noted that if the opinions of these English priests (as he will needes make us believe) were differing from the Pope and our Eng∣ish Jesuites, varying from Jesuite Palmio and other beyonde sea Jesuites, in the question of murdering a prince: some of them at least would have given loyall intelligence of such a treason conceived and nourished in that man, who had made so many privie both beyonde and on this side the sea and coulde not be disswaded from his purpose, but ever departed with a resolution contrary to these colde disswaders. It were no good pollicie to trust this popish traytour, but rather to suspect all Pope-created priestes to be of the same mind with their supreme head, and all English Jesuites to consent with forreyne Jesuites their fellowe members. They be all of one order and vowe, they have one Superiour, and if they had detested this fact in deede, some of them, seeing the wretch to persist must needes have bewrayed [betrayed] it and not to suffer him to go on headlong in such a sinne, leaving her royal person to the will and malice (as much as in them lay) of a murthering ruffian, but to prove [approve] his intent with continuance and growing of the same.
47. 4.) Againe he writeth letters to the Pope in Janu. 1584. by that account, tooke advise upon them in confession of An. Codreto, was commended, againe confessed, tooke the sacrament (verely cruentum sacramentum et sacrificium cruoris (a bloody sacrifice and a sacrifice of blood) at the Jesuites at one altar, with the Cardinales of Vandosmi and of Narbone. Hereof he had certificate to the Pope, which he sent enclosed in his letters to His Ho∣linesse to leade him to absolve him, which he required in consideration of so great an enterprise undertaken without reward. 5.) The letter and certificat he read to Ragazzon, and left with him to be sent to the Pope, who wished him good speede, promising he should be remembred at the altar. 6.) He doubteth least [lest] if Morgan died and he miscaried in thexecution (as he did, God be thanked} and choked in the halter [noose], notwithstanding their remembrance at the altar) and his intent never truely discovered, that is to say, that he did it for the Catholikes, it might be a spot in his race. Marke here the very worde intent in his owne confession. 7.) Morgan assureth him, that the lord Fernehurst should go into Scotland and be ready to enter upon the first newes of our Queenes fall. Thus much for his intent beyonde sea, and before his conjuration [conspiracy] discovered.
48. Upon his arrival in England he wrote to Court that he had a speciall service of discoverie to the Queene, but with what intent let his owne words speake: 8.) more to prepare accesse and credite then for any care had of her person. Admitted to her gracious audience, he discovered the conjuration, yet in what maner? Let him selfe say, even covered with all the skill he had. This intent was with deepe treason: for as he sayth so he did, he disclosed onely so much as hee thought good and necessary to grounde in Her Highnesse a setled confidence towards him whereby he might effect his trayterous intent with better oportunitie and his owne safetie. He betrayedbe ayed himselfe so farre as he might cover his chiefe drift, many principall things concealed, nothing of Lord Fernehurst with Scottish forces &c,. 9.) Receiving from the Pope himselffe commendation and allowance of his enterprise, of encouragement & plenarie indulgence by no meaner than Cardinal di Como, though he shewed the letter to Her Majesties, not for any care of her person, but for his better accesseand credit, as the rest, yet let his owne wordes tell what his intent was at the very receiving and shewing the same letter: “Forsooth (saith he) this letter confirmed resolution to kill the Queene, making it cleere in his conscience as a thing lawfull and meritorious. Now is his intent growen a resolution, not doubtful, but cleare in conscience, not alone lawfull, but meritorious. Papa dixit [the Pope has said it], a Cardinall is nuncio [the messenger]: Whatother thing is this then for the Pope and his Cardinals, like another Antoninus Commodus, to make one inter sicarios et gladiatores?
49. The devill enforcing this traytours heart execute his intent, 10.) he was troubled looking upon the Queene, and remembring her excellencies yet he saw no remedie, his vowes were in heaven, his letters and promises on earth. Yea, he strove to cloze his at these excellencies, and obstinated [hardened] his heart by seeking reasons to quenche all sparkes of humanitie and allegiance arising in his thoughts. For thus reasoneth he against his conscience, “Why shouldst thou care for her? What hath she done for thee? Hast thou not spent tenne thousand markes, &c,. “What more devilish intent coulde possesse a traytour then to labour to suppresse a smal remaine of conscience abhorring to kill so excellent a personage, which God stirred up in his thoughtes to his juster condemnation? 11.) D. Allens booke redoubled his former conceites, every word was a warrant to a prepared mind. See how the smoothe words of that Catholique booke are enterpreted and conceived. One spirite occupieth the Catholique reader with the Catholique writer, and therefore can best expound the writers sence in his readers mouth, even to bee a booke fraught with emphaticall speaches of energeticall perswasion to kill and depose Her Majestie. And yet doeth the hypocrite writer, that traitour Catholique, dissemble and protest otherwise.
50. Parry, sufffering repulse in a suite for S. Katherins, communeth with M. Nevill, recommendeth the enterprise as honourable and profitable to the Catholique commonweale. Being prejudiced in opinion of Allens booke (as before) hee commendeth it and delivereth it to Nevill, thereby to worke the same vile intent in him which it had alreadie confirmed in himselfe. He tooke nowe an other othe upon the Bible, after the maner of a Protestant, to pursue thenterprise, and meant (he saith) to perfourme it, so farre forth as the place and maner of doing was appointed. This second conjuration [conspiracy] he never bewrayed in sixe moneths till accused by Nevill, and then at first denied it. 13. ) Finally to declare his height of malice, hee saith if the Queene had preferred him never so greatly, yet must this bloodie enterprise haveholden, except shee had relieued the Catholiques. Was this no intent, which neyther benefite nor bountie coulde stay? Which neither feare of God nor reverence of excellencie coulde repell? Which neither dread of punish∣ment nor tract of time could remoove? Did he conceive it, conferre and advise of it, vowe himselfe to the execrable service, present and offer it, harden his heart against others disswasions, beate backe contrarie motions of his owne conscience, goe so farre as hee coulde not goe backe, promise it faithfully, receive a church Scrament thereupon, make certificat thereof, propound himselfe the ende and reason of his intent, discourse upon the contingent sequele, preventing the spot of his race, receive letters of allowance, commendation, encouragement, and absolution, could he vowe in heaven and promise on earth, coulde hee doe all this in a thing which he meant not? Could he resolve and confirme his resolution of a thing which he intended not, yea, coulde hee intende and meane (for all these be his owne wordes) that which he never meant nor intended? Could he redouble his conceits and have a prepared minde for that hee inten∣ded not? Would such a craftie traitour practise with others by perswasive speach and trayterous booke in such a matter, as the onely broching thereof must capitally endamage his kinseman and friende, and withall lay his owne head in his friendes hand? And yet notwithstanding either he ment this treason, either els he litle loved his friend, to tempt him so dangerously, whom yet, he saith, hee loved so as to suffer his finger in his dish, and his hand in his purse. But, which is above all, would any man sweare againe on the Bible, appoint time and place, conceale it with as much perill as if hee had done it, would hee denie it, would so ambitious a man discontent himselfe with all preferment for thatchieving of that which hee meant not? Was this mischievous course begunne and continued a long time at home and abroade, in many kingdomes, communicated with many persons of severall nation and qualitie, as Pope, Cardinall, nuntio, frier, priest, kings secretarie and ambassadours, all this while not meant? Was it frankly and voluntarily confessed meant, finally, recorded by pleading guiltie in maner and fourme with all circumstance, and yet could hee dye an innocent for intent? All this falling upon no simple man but upon one, not nowe the first time holding up his hande at barre, and upon a Doctour of Lawe, the very hoode whereof is able to give a man more judgement then to slip without light in all these things.
52, I knowe not howe he may be excused without strong suspition of the excuser. And yf a prince may not judge a wicked servant out of his owne mouth, nor determine an offence by two or three mouthes, it were a notable world for Traitors and murderers thus to have all proceedings set loose, as well of our common lawes, which condemne upon all evidences as of ye civill lawes which give capitall sentence upon confession onely. Yea, Moses wisedome is overreached and Christes equitie in his evangelicall parable against the lewde servant not using his talent is eluded. All this is also ratified by voluntarie letters of his to Her Majestie apart, and to her honorable counsell. And if any Italianate papist neverthelesse will needes beleeve this repugnancie of his last speaches, let him yet take this one note of him whereby to consider howe credible a man he crediteth. Either Parry meant this monstrous murder according to his vowes in heaven and sworne promises in earth, and so dyed a desperate traitour, protesting the contrary in his last wordes upon his soule and damnation, or els was he perjured to the foule abuse of Pope and all poperie, most execrably prophaning Gods name by promising, swearing, vowing &c,. that which he meant not. Necessarily therefore must he perish upon perjured treason or wrecke upon desperate deieration. [perjury]. Nothing avoydes this dilemma but a popish bull of dispensation, which if he had, I knowe not howe princes may not as safely suffer woolues and beares come to their presence as such papists. And very like it is that Parry had a speciall bull, either els was it comprehended in his indulgence, that hee might take othes contrary to his Catholique conscience, as he did the othe of supremacy in beginning of the last Parliament. Which, if his coniuratours had not bin priuy with what intention he did sweare, he never durst have taken it, least they should have nowe bewrayed him as a man sworne a∣gainst the Pope, therefore not to be trusted. But the trueth is, this Papist Parry was both a tray∣tor,and a manifoldly perjured traitor &c,.
.
rivilegiotrue and plaine declaration of the horrible treasons practised by William Parry against the Queenes Majestie, and of his conviction and execution for the same, the second of March 1584 according to the account of England. This William Parry, being a man of very meane and base parentage but of a most proude and insolent spirite, bearing himselfe alwaies farre above the measure of his fortune, after hee had long led a wastefull and dissolute life and had committed a great outrage against one Hugh Hare, a gentleman of the Inner Temple, with an intent to have murthered him in his owne chamber, for the which he was most justly convicted, seeing himselfe generally condemned with all good men for the same and other his misdemeanours, hee left his naturall country and gave himselfe to travaile into forraine partes beyonde the seas. In the course of this his travaile he forsooke his allegiance and duetifull obedience to Her Majestie, and was reconciled and subjected himselfe to the Pope. After which, upon conference with certain Jesuites and others of like qualitie, hee first conceived his most detestable treason to kill the Queene (whose life God long preserve) whiche hee bounde himselfe by promise, letters, and vowes to perfourme and execute, and so with this intent hee retourned into Englande in Januarie 1583 and sithens [since] that did practise at sundrie times to have executed his most devilish purpose and determination. yet covering the same so much as in him lay with a vaile and pretence of great loyaltie to Her Majestie. Immediately upon his retourne into Englande hee sought to have secret accesse to Her Majestie, pretending to have some matter of great importance to reveale unto her: which obtained, and the same so privately in Her Highnes pallace at Whitehal, as Her Majestie had but one only Counseller with her at the time of his accesse in a remote place, who was so farre distant, as he could not heare his speach.
