Notes to the Introduction

NOTE 1 The name is sometimes encountered as “Spagnulo” or “Spagnoli:” Gir 39. For the “Johannes” occasionally found with Mantuan’s name, see S 116, n. 122 and Gir 40, n. 23.

spacerNOTE 2 Following the great eighteenth–century scholar, Girolamo Tiraboschi, Mustard (11) gives Mantuan’s birth date as 1448. On the basis of the Harley documents in the British Library, Zimmerman (MHC 262) dated his birth in 1447, however, and Saggi (S 121) has supported this latter date, arguing for the improbability of ordination before Mantuan’s twenty–third birthday, or of his becoming prior of the monastery at Parma at the age of twenty–two. 1447 has also been accepted as Mantuan’s year of birth by G (428), Coccia, Bibliotheca sanctorum (Rome: Instituto Giovanni XXIII, 1961– ), XI.1340, and Gir (40).  

spacerNOTE 3 The claim of illegitimacy goes back to a statement made in the sixteenth century by Paolo Giovio in his Elogia veris clarorum virorum imaginibus (Gli elogi degli uomini illustri, ed. Renzo Meregazzi [Rome: Instituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1972 = Pauli Iovii opera cura et studio Societatis Historicae Novocomensis denuo edita, VIII], 88). More recently, the charge has been supported by Stefano Davari (Della famiglia Spagnola, quale risulta dai documenti dell’ Archivio Storico Gonzaga [Mantua: eredi Segna, 1873], 5–6) but rejected by Florido Ambrogio, (De rebus gestis ac scriptis operibus Baptistae Mantuani [Turin: Ignatius Soffietti, 1784], 11–15) and Gabriel Wessels (AOC, 4 [1917 – 22], 6 – 8).  

spacerNOTE 4 Both his father, Pietro, and his grandfather, Antonio, were originally taken prisoner by the Genoese in a naval battle off Gaeta. A nobleman from Granada, Pietro lost his family name (“Modover” or “Moduer”) and gained “Spagnolo” from the name of his country. He eventually settled in Mantua (where in 1460, with his family, he was granted citizenship) and served Lodovico as advisor and diplomatic representative, subsequently enjoying the favor of Federico and Francesco, Lodovico’s successors as marquises of Mantua, before dying there early in 1494 (M 18f., Davari, op. cit., 4).

spacerNOTE 5 Foremost among Mantuan’s ten brothers and sisters were Tolomeo, who served as confidential secretary to Francesco, Marquis of Mantua, and Alessandro, a famous lawyer and canon there. Late in Mantuan’s life (ca. 1509) Tolomeo published a learned defense of his works, Apologia contra detrahentes operibus Baptistae Mantuani. (M 20 – 22).

spacerNOTE 6 Late in Mantuan’s life, Pietro is remembered for this early encouragement in a passage in Mantuan’s Vitae suae epitome quoted by Mustard (19).

spacerNOTE 7 Born ca. 1415 in Città di Castello, Gregorio Tifernate counted Vittorino da Feltre and Manuel Chrysoloras among his teachers. After studying at Perugia, he spent several years in Greece, returning to teach Greek at Naples. From 1449 to 1455 he served Nicholas V, for whom he translated several Greek prose works into Latin. After 1456 Gregorio was in France at the court of Charles VII. Later, as Professor of Greek at the University of Paris, he played an important role in introducing Italian humanism into Northern Europe. By September, 1459 he had returned to Italy From April, 1460 to December, 1461 he taught at Mantua before moving on to spend the rest of his life at Venice, where he died ca. 1466 (M 131, Cos IV.3412 – 14). Originally Gregorio’s pupil, Giorgio Merula was at Mantua from 1460 to as late as 1465: Ferdinando Gabotto and A. B. Confalonieri, Vita di Giorgio Merula (Alessandria: Jacquemod Giovanni, 1893), 31, 37. In a letter (quoted by Gabotto and Confalonieri, ibid., 34f.), Merula praises Gregorio for requiring students not simply to repeat what they had been taught but to present their own arguments buttressed with evidence and clear reasoning for all their decisions. In this way he thought that Gregorio had avoided the superficiality that characterized so many students at the time. For Gregorio Tifernate and Umber in Mantuan’s eclogues, see IV.81f. and notes.

spacerNOTE 8 A many–sided man, Bagelardi was famous for weaving the other artes liberales into his lectures on philosophy: see Ettore Bolisani, “Scholaro a Padova,” Padova, 4 (1956), 22.

spacerNOTE 9 For the circumstances surrounding the composition of this first version, see Mantuan’s prefatory letter to Paride Ceresara as well as “Composition and Publication of the Adulescentia and its use by Tutors and in Grammar Schools.

spacerNOTE 10 Gir (42f.), who prints this collection of elegies (75 – 95).

spacerNOTE 11 S 121, Gir 44 – 46. Thus began his lifelong association with the Congregation of Mantua, otherwise known as the Mantuan Reform. Beginning at the convent of Le Selve, outside Florence, this movement instituted a series of reforms regarding tenure of office, residence within the convent, and the possession of private property. Over the years the Congregation grew to include houses at Mantua and Gironda, until in 1442 it achieved quasi–autonomy under a vicar general. By Mantuan’s time it had brought under its authority a number of other houses in northern and central Italy. Ludovico Saggi’s La congregazione Mantovana is the standard work on this movement. Zimmerman (in MHC 483 – 90) prints the text of an important letter written to Mantuan's father soon after he had entered the monastery at Ferarra in which Mantuan recounts the events and reasons leading to his decision: see “Composition and Publication of the Adulescentia and its use by Tutors and in Grammar Schools” below.  

spacerNOTE 12 S 125. Graziano di Santa Teresa cites (G 429) a document dated 13 April 1470 in which Mantuan appears towards the head of a list of names as “fr. baptista petrj de spagnolis de mantua.”

spacerNOTE 13 G 429. The clavarius was an administrator under the prior of the monastery: see S 125, n. 131.

spacerNOTE
14 S 125, Gir 49. A portion of one of Mantuan’s disputations is printed in AOCD, 7 (1932), 173f..

spacerNOTE 15 Notice of the privilegium doctoratus is printed by C. Piana in Ricerche su le Università di Bologna e di Parma nel secolo xv (Florence: S. Bonaventura, 1963), 133. The studium at San Martino was linked to the University through the Faculty of Theology (Gir 48).

spacerNOTE 16 As regens Mantuan would direct the programs of studies and watch over the progress of students at San Martino.

spacerNOTE 17 For Refrigerio, see “Composition and Publication of the Adulescentia and its use by Tutors and in Grammar Schools.”

spacerNOTE 18
A letter to Refrigerio puts him in Mantua as early as December, 1478 (G 432).

spacerNOTE 19 In May 1479 he was elected prior and regens at Mantua (G 432). The tradition that he had charge of the education of Federico’s children dates from Louise de S. Thérèse, La succession du S. Prophète Elie en l’Ordre des Carmes et en la réforme de S. Thérèse (Paris: G. Sassier, 1662), 585–86.

spacerNOTE 20 S 127. In De patientia Mantuan speaks at length about this inquisition (Opera, IV.ii, 138 – 146).

spacerNOTE 21 A 63, 69, 77, 78, 81, 84. Since the statutes mandated a two–year term followed by four years of ineligibility, Mantuan in effect held the office the maximum allowable period—ample testimony to the Congregation’s respect for his effectiveness as its leader.

spacerNOTE 22 S 129f.. For the dispute on the color of the habit and its significance in Mantuan’s eclogues, see “Themes, Style, and Organization.”

spacerNOTE 23 On 3 May 1485 he was appointed regens at San Martino and also appears as clavarius in May and October of that year (S 131, G 435).

spacerNOTE 24 For Falcone and Bembo, see “Composition and Publication of the Adulescentia and its use by Tutors and in Grammar Schools.” Mustard lists (22 – 24) Mantuan’s friends and acquaintances at Bologna, Mantua, and Rome and reprints (24f.) portions of a lively correspondence carried on in the 1490’s with Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and his nephew, Gianfrancesco.

spacerNOTE 25 In a letter written in October 1490 Mantuan claims that their appearance sprang from the efforts of well–meaning friends at Bologna who, during his absence in Rome, sent the works to the printer without his knowledge (MHC 494). These friends might plausibly include Refrigerio and Foscarari as well as Filippo Beroaldo (to whom Mantuan was both friend and confessor) and the Bolognese notary Caesare de’ Nappi (an acquaintance of Refrigerio) in whose autograph manuscript, Palladium eruditum, a number of Mantuan’s works appear (Ludovico Frati, Studii italiani, 16 [1908], 129–38).

spacerNOTE 26 Edited by Gabriel Wessels as “B. Baptistae Mantuani oratio habita coram Innocentio VIII et Cardinalibus in Basilica Vaticana,” AOC, 6 (1927 – 29):

Christus per omnem vitam una et ea quidem humili veste contentus in alienis semper aedibus pane, ut plurimum mendicato, vescebatur. Nos autem dum quicquid errat in terris, quidquid natat in undis, quicquid volat in aëre una mensa consumimus, nulla de Dei lege, nulla de scandalo, nulla vel certe postrema est cura de miseris...Zizania ista, quae super bonum semen jecit inimicus, extirpare nequeunt. Heu, quam metuo, ne brevi totus ager iste demetatur! Nam mala gramina tam alte fixere radices, sic cum bonis graminibus, si quae supersunt, sese complicuere, ut dum secerni non possunt a messoribus, omnia simul oporteat interire.
spacerQuod ne fiat ad sanctissimum illud coelestis patriae collegium, cuius hodie festa celebrantur, conversis animis et sursum cordibus elevatis, omnipotentem Deum Patrem, Filium et Spiritum Sanctum deprecemur, ut pacem ecclesiae, praelatis lumen intelligentiae, principibus nostris de infidelibus victoriam, et tandem catholicis omnibus coelestem patriam multiplicatis intercessoribus largiatur. (p. 134)

spacerNOTE 27 On this aspect of Mantuan’s reputation, see the introductory note to Eclogue IX and P2 116 – 18.

spacerNOTE 28 A, 69–70. See also Opera IV.i, 216, 220, 222.

spacerNOTE 29 In the Assembly held May, 1490, Mantuan was appointed regens at San Martino (G436). For a year beginning May, 1491 he was prior at San Crisogono in Rome before again being appointed regens at San Martino in 1492 (G 437).

spacerNOTE 30 LR 2 – 22, 35 – 41, 59f., Gir 68. Among his acquaintances at Mantua, the most important from the standpoint of the Adulescentia is Paride Ceresara, to whom Mantuan dedicated the printed version of his collection (see “Composition and Publication of the Adulescentia and its use by Tutors and in Grammar Schools below).

spacerNOTE 31 S 133–35. Mantuan seems to have been reluctant to accept the position and refused to travel to Rome to attend the chapter.

spacerNOTE 32 Leo Van Wijmen, La congregation d’Albi (1499–1602) (Rome: Institutum Carmelitanum, 1971), 65–71. Mantuan was named to, but apparently never attended, the Lateran Council of 1513 (S 139). In 1515 he was involved in an attempt made by Leo X to arrange peace between Francis I and the Duke of Milan (S 140–41).

spacerNOTE 33 Born in 1466 of a noble family in Mantua, Ceresara was a lawyer distinguished for his great wealth and learning. He composed sonnets (one of which survives), translated Plautus’ Aulularia and (perhaps) a Greek comedy, was noted for his erudition in Greek and Latin, and had a passing knowledge of Hebrew (LR 87 – 90, F. R. de’ Angelis, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, dir. Alberto M. Ghisalberti [Rome: Instit. della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960– ] XXIII.720f.). A member of Isabella d’ Este’s circle, Ceresara devised the programme for Lorenzo Costa’s The Garden of the Peaceful Arts and Perugino’s Battle between Love and Chastity, paintings intended for her studiolo and grotta: Splendours of the Gonzaga, eds. David Chambers and Jane Marineau (London: Victoria and Albert, 1981), 52, 165. In his old age he studied astrology and acquired a notable posthumous reputation for having predicted the accession to the papacy of Paul III (1534 – 1549): Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1923 – 58), V.256. This being so, he is perhaps to be identified with Patritio Tricasso da Ceresari, author of Epitoma Chyromantico (printed at Venice in 1538), a highly systematized treatise of astrology and fortune–telling: F. R. de’ Angelis, op. cit., 720f.. In his lifetime Ceresara came to be considered a necromancer, so that his splendid home, built in 1527, was called “the Devil’s house” (Thorndike, op. cit., V.256).

spacerNOTE 34 Printed, according to the colophon, by Vincenzo Bertocchi (GW 3244). As Mustard notes (35), sometime during the course of printing the day of the month, 16 September (“sexto decimo Kalendas Octobres”), was added. A 1498 edition appeared after 16 September at Milan (GW 3245). A curious edition finished, according to the colophon, on 25 August 1525 (“per Ludovicum Britannicum. Die XXV. Augusti. MDXXV”) announces in its title that it has been “diligently corrected and revised (diligenter emendata atque revisa)” and opens with a dedicatory epistle addressed to Julianus Calinus and dated 1 August 1525 (Mantuan had been dead over nine years at this time). Aside from the substitution of Calinus’ name for Paride Ceresara’s, the letter is identical with that printed in the 1498 edition, and the text of the eclogues contains no significant variants.

spacerNOTE 35 A note in an early version of Mustard’s introduction to the eclogues indicates that he knew of this letter but dismissed its authenticity because of an error in the article on Mantuan in the Catholic Encyclopedia: “‘In a letter addressed to his father (1 April, 1464), and in his first publication, De vita beata, he gave an account of his previous life and of the motive which led him to the cloister.’ So the Catholic Encyclopedia. But the De vita beata contains nothing of the sort, and one would like some other authority for the letter and its date.” “On the Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus,” TAPA, 40 (1909), 150. Mustard seems never to have consulted the text of the letter itself, which in his time had been printed in MHC by Zimmerman (author of the Catholic Encyclopedia article) as well as earlier in Latin and in French and Spanish translations (C 502, 503, 504, 507). The original version appears in a notebook, now in the Bodleian Library (MS. Selden Supra 41), compiled by John Bale, for whom see below. Saggi (S 122), noting that Bale’s manuscript records the day and month but not the year of publication, first suggested that the letter was written, like De vita beata, in 1463 during Mantuan’s novitiate at Ferarra.

spacerNOTE 36 MHC 484 – 86, as transcribed by Zimmerman:

Et hiis [Mantuan’s dissolute youthful companions]...magis quam Omnipotenti Deo placere studens, me quoque interserebam, ut postea ad me rediens tanta efficerer verecundia quod nequibam sanctorum imagines in templis pictas respicere...Tunc, ut nosti, Paduam perrexi. Ubi anxietates varias passus sum, scilicet sitim, famem, nuditatem et servitutem. Rursus Mantuam reversus omnia perturbata reperi et suspicionem falsam piget dicere, sed dicam, quae me per diversa pericula extra limen paternum rejecit et quasi sub pelagi fluctibus submersum. Hoc demum concludere possum, ubicumque fuerim me semper adversam habuisse Fortunam...et me forte in desperationem compulisset, nisi Omnipotentis Dei validissimum illud antidotum prius recepissem. Hoc est: si vos de mundo essetis, mundus quod suum esset diligeret. Sed quia de mundo non estis vos mundus odio habet. Et habeat; par pari referens ego quoque illum odio habebo...Ego pauper, despectus, pannosus procul a turbis hominum degam, ut tandem cœlestem adipiscar patriam...Nec volo existimes me naufragii timore id voluisse. Et tamen quoniam ex voto feci si libet audire causam voti tibi recludam. Patavii eram et ibidem contagiosa pestis dominabatur. Ecce nescio quo dierum instar glandis sinistro in femore mihi intumescit. Quid facerem nisi timerem. A quo auxilium peterem nisi ab illo inexhaustæ pietatis fonte Maria Virgine? Petivi. Impetravi. Nonne æquum est ut servem pactum? Justum est utique. Petieram enim ea conditione ut si me liberaret, Illi in perpetuum servirem. Volui illico religionem induere, sed nescio quibus retentus laqueis distuli. Et cum a patria Venetias iterum navigarem Salvatrix mea negligentiam meam intelligens, fluctus maris proram misere ferientes in oculos meos excitavit, ut in memoriam voti redirem, nec amplius differrem.

spacerNOTE 37 Badius first noted the link between Mantuan’s life and Pollux’s resolve in VII.59f. to flee the harshness of his life at home.

spacerNOTE 38 See the introductory note to Eclogue VIII.

spacerNOTE 39 For which, see “Themes, Style, and Organization.”  

spacerNOTE 40 The account in Mantuan’s letter is taken at face value by, e.g., Mustard, 35, BC col. 233, and Gir 70.

spacerNOTE 41 Printed with a discussion of their date of composition by Lee Piepho, in “Mantuan and Religious Pastoral: Unprinted Versions of his Ninth and Tenth Eclogues,” RQ, 39 (1986), 644 – 72, on which the following account is partly based.

spacerNOTE 42 The following discussion of the extracts from the eclogues made by Bale and of their implications for the date of publication of Mantuan's collection is based in part on Lee Piepho, “Mantuan on Women and Erotic Love: A Newly Discovered Manuscript of the Unprinted Version of His Eclogues,” Renaissance Studies, 3 (1989), 13 – 28.

spacerNOTE 43 1461 – 1463, according to Graziano di Santa Teresa (G 428), who finds it difficult to compress the events described in Mantuan’s letter into a shorter span of time. But this dating would make Mantuan’s apprenticeship under Giorgio Merula and Gregorio Tifernate (who began teaching at Mantua in April 1460) unrealistically short.

spacerNOTE 44 See Appendix I, where Bale’s extracts and the glosses (all apparently by Mantuan) from van Eckhoute’s manuscript are printed with translation from Bodleian Library MS. Selden Supra 41. The form in which the extracts appear, indeed their very existence is explained by Bale’s interests in the 1520’s, when most of Bale’s manuscript was compiled. (For a discussion, with references, of the history of Bale’s compilation, see Leslie Fairfield, John Bale: Mythmaker for the English Reformation [West Lafayette: Purdue Univ. Press, 1976], 9, 159 – 61.) During this period Bale as a Carmelite monk was studying at Cambridge and at Toulouse and Louvain, with an active interest in the history and personages of the order. In gathering material for what were projected to become two accounts—one a chronicle history, the other a biographical history of the order’s saints and great men—Bale visited the convents of France and the Low Countries, copying out extracts from the documents he found there. As his colophon indicates, Bale came on a transcription of Mantuan’s copy of the eclogues, most likely among van Eckhoute’s library in the convent at Ghent. (Brief accounts of van Eckhoute’s life are found in CH 77f. and Nouvelle bibliothèque Carmélitaine, in Études Carmélitaines 3 [1913], 15f..) A Carmelite in Padua during the 1470’s, van Eckhoute formed a friendship with Mantuan recorded in two letters (portions of which are reproduced in CH 77f.) to him from the Italian poet, and it is doubtless at this time that, as Bale claims, he was given access to Mantuan’s copy of the original collection. Van Eckhoute’s transcription seems to have disappeared when his library was burned by Protestants, who ravaged the convent at Ghent in 1578 (Nouvelle bibliothèque Carmélitaine, 16, confirmed in correspondence with Gilbert Tournoy of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven).

spacerNOTE 45 With the incipit Faustus adit segetes, the title is recorded in Johannes Trithemius’ survey, made in 1494, of Mantuan’s works: De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Basel: Johann Amerbach, 1494), fol. 132. The original title appears in reference works as late as Johann Fabricius’ Bibliotheca ecclesiastica (Hamburg: Liebezeit and Felginer, 1718), 218.

spacerNOTE 46 For information on the publication of manuscripts, see Pascale Bourgain, “L’édition des manuscripts,” in Histoire de l’édition française, eds. Henri–Jean Martin, Roger Chartier, and Jean–Pierre Vivet (Paris: Promodis, 1982 – 6), I.55.

spacerNOTE 47 Ludovico Frati in his “Notizie biografiche di Giovanni Battista Refrigerio,” GSLI 12 (1888), quotes part of a dedicatory letter by Refrigerio in which he speaks of how he daily absorbs Mantuan’s teachings (eius disciplinas quotidie haurio) (327), a description which may, as Frati believes (326f.), imply formal instruction. In 1479, during a time of plague, Refrigerio spirited Mantuan out of the city to his villa at Claterna, between Imola and Bologna (Frati, 327f.). Mantuan in the Villa Refrigerii (Opera III, 233 – 38) leaves behind an attractive picture of the house, modelled, as he claims, on ancient Roman houses, its dining room frescoed with scenes of Parnassus and Olympus, its library well supplied with the works of Plato, Plutarch, Strabo, Livy, Sallust, Pliny, Cicero, Virgil, and Horace. In the Porretane Sabadino praises Refrigerio’s vernacular poetry and prose as well as his skill in Latin prose composition (Frati, 325f.). Among other works, twenty strambotti and a collection of Italian poems survive, along with an assortment of letters written in Latin. Sabadino, in a passage from the Porretane quoted by Mustard (27), includes Mantuan’s Suburbanus among a group of works dedicated to Refrigerio.

spacerNOTE 48 In a prose gloss recorded by Bale (fol. 35), Mantuan speaks of the poems as having had wide circulation under his name before he decided to publish them.

spacerNOTE 49  See Appendix I, where manuscript copies of these eclogues are printed with translation.

spacerNOTE 50 For the strena, see H. W. Garrod, “Erasmus and his English Patrons,” The Library, 5th ser., 11 (1949), 11f.

spacerNOTE 51 Walter von Hofmann, Forschungen zur Geschichte der Kurialen Behörden vom Schisma bis zur Reformation (Rome: von Loescher, 1914), II.113.

spacerNOTE 52 As clericus Camerae under Sixtus IV, Falcone had also worked to facilitate approval of the reformed Carmelite habit (S 131, 103): see “Themes, Style, and Organization.” He evidently aspired to a cardinalate (S 130), and Mantuan’s high hopes for him and gratitude are recorded not only in the ninth eclogue but in his Epigrammata ad Falconem, a collection of epigrams dedicated to Falcone. Filippo Baveria, Falcone’s brother (S 131) and a follower of the Roman humanist Pomponio Leto (BC col. 221), is remembered for a favor in one of the epigrams (Opera I.111v) and mourned in death in Mantuan’s Ad D. Falconem de morte Phil. Baveriae Querimonia (Opera, I.113).

spacerNOTE 53 Thus comfirming Mustard’s conjecture (26) that the figure of Bembus in the eclogue is connected with Bembo. Together with a highly respectful autograph letter, Mantuan sent Bembo a copy of his sermon for All Saints’ Day, Bembo being noted for his erudition—Mantuan addresses him as “hominem litteratissimum” (AOC 6 [1927–29], 130)and for his eloquence in oratory. Parthenice Catharina, a versified life of Saint Catherine of Alexandria and the second of Mantuan’s parthenices, was dedicated to Bembo in an edition first printed at Bologna in 1489 (GW 3290). (An elegy by Pietro praising Mantuan is included in this edition, perhaps the first printed poem by Bembo’s famous son: Nella Gianetto, Bernardo Bembo: umanista e politico veneziano [Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1985], 193, 199.) The dedicatory letter to Bembo, respectful but formal, has none of the personal warmth that marks Mantuan’s letter to Refrigerio and Foscarari dedicating his Parthenice Mariana to them.

spacerNOTE 54 A. Ventura and M. Pecoraro, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, VIII.105.

spacerNOTE 55 See the discussion in Appendix I.

spacerNOTE 56 See Edmundo Coccia, Le edizioni delle opere del Mantovano and Appendix II.

spacerNOTE 57 Printed by André Bocard for Jean Petit and the de Marnef brothers. A letter by Badius, dated 27 March 1502 (reprinted in Philippe Renouard, Bibliographie des impressions et des œuvres de Josse Badius Ascensius [1908, rpt. New York, Burt Franklin, n. d.], II.110f.), dedicates the work to Ladislas and Clément, sons of Jean Alexandre, a bookseller at Anjou for an edition of Badius’ commentary on the Parthenice Mariana printed in June of that year (Répertoire bibliographique, vol. XXVI, p. 30). From the time of his printing of an edition of Beroaldo’s Orationes in 1492, French Carmelites came to regard Badius, as James Wadsworth remarks, “almost as their official publisher”: Lyons 1473–1503: The Beginnings of Cosmopolitanism (Cambridge, Mass.: Medieval Academy of America, 1962), 47. For further information on Badius, also called Ascensius, see Renouard, op. cit., vol. I, passim and Wadsworth, 43–68.

spacerNOTE 58 Besides the Adulescentia with Badius’ commentary, the first version of this successful school edition included a poem by Mantuan on John the Baptist, In laudem Ioannis Baptistae pro natali eius carmen. In 1504 De vita beata was added, and, often with this addition, Wimpfeling’s version was printed at Strasbourg (C 52, Index aureliensis 112.425,(C 90, 103, 143, 220, 235, 254, 255, 291, and 321) as well as by Thomas Anshelm at Tubingen (C 197, 213, 234 and 277) and Haguenau (C 294). For a discussion of Wimpfeling’s edition, see Lee Piepho, “Mantuan Revised: His Adulescentia in Early Sixteenth-Century Germany,” Canadian Review of Comparative Literature/Revue Canadienne de Littérature Comparée, 33 (2006), 60 - 74.

spacerNOTE 59 Printed in C 209, dated 19 November 1512, or perhaps somewhat earlier in an undated version (NUC NB0100954) estimated to have been printed after 1509.

spacerNOTE 60 First printed, according to CH (vol. III, col. 315), at Deventer in 1508. This is probably the edition recorded by Index aureliensis (see Appendix II).

spacerNOTE 61 Originally argumenta and additions to Badius’ commentary, Vaurentinus’ notes were first expanded into a full commentary in 1519 (C320). They were printed alone (C 320, Adams, M 393) or joined with the annotations of Joannes Coroneus Carnutensis (C 351, 370, 387, Répertoire bibliographique, vol. III, p. 21), Remundus Lauganus de Alta Ripa (C 351, 366, 370, 387, Répertoire bibliographique, vol. III, p. 21), Bertocus Casalusmagnus Sparro (C 388), as well as with Rameseus’ notes (C 302,350, and 365) and Badius’ commentary (C 350 and 365). In Neo–Latin and the Pastoral (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1965), W. Leonard Grant speaks of a commentary by Beroaldo on the eclogues (p. 126), but none is recorded in Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, Coccia, or the reference works consulted for Appendix II.

spacerNOTE 62 The first three eclogues were included in an immense collection of pastoral poetry selected by Gilbert Cousin of Nozeray, Erasmus’ one–time secretary, and printed by Oporinus at Basel in 1546 (C 399). None found its way, however, into the selections from Mantuan included by Gruterus in his Delitiae poetarum Italorum (C 452).

spacerNOTE 63 In [Mantuani bucolico carmine] Humanae conditionis vitam planius expressam inuenies quam aut apud Vergilium citra tamen Carminis ipsius Poetae Maiestatem: vel Calpurnium Siculum siue Nemesianum: vel etiam apud Franciscam Petrarcam Bucolicae scriptores. Tu legens idem comprobabis. (Index aureliensis, 112.697).

spacerNOTE 64 Significantly, John Bale’s “notabilia (noteworthy passages)” are all extracted from Mantuan’s eclogues on love and women.

spacerNOTE 65 Despite the authority of Mantuan’s prefatory letter, the title of his collection varies, especially among earlier editions where, in addition to Aeglogae...de honesto amore et foelici eius exitu cum quadam alia aegloga contra amorem noviter addita, we commonly find the following titles: Carmen bucolicum, Aeglogae Vergilii neoterici, and Bucolica seu Adulescentia in decem aeglogas divisa.

spacerNOTE 66 Likewise, a German collection of Ovid’s amatory pieces included Mantuan’s Contra poetas impudice loquentes (Against Poets’ Shameless Talk) (C 454); and—a reversal of the pattern—a French translation of Enea Silvio Piccolomini’s De remedio amoris with a selection of similar pieces from Mantuan (C 313 and 397) was joined in a later edition with a version of the Ars amatoria (C 411).

spacerNOTE 67 The following discussion is based on Lee Piepho, Holofernes’ Mantuan: Italian Humanism in Early Modern England (Bern / New York: Peter Lang, 2001), 9 - 32, 45, 67 - 78, 93 - 102.

spacerNOTE 68 “Baptistam Mantuanum extollo tum in poematibus suis tersis & puris quae absque veneno a maturo praeceptore iuuentuti tradi possunt.” (Bucolica [Strasbourg: Joannes Prüss, 1503], sig. a1v).

spacerNOTE 69 “Est...vir ille ut disertissimus et ditissima vena præditus, ita optimis institutionibusque praeter caeteros ornatus. Norit enim, ut est prudentissimus, quam periculosum imo perniciosium sit lasciva canere, perinde anxie cavit ne quid divo Paulo indignum emittat, quippe qui rectissime a Catullo catullisque similibus dissentit.”: Philippe Renouard, op. cit., II.111. Erasmus in a letter famously praised Mantuan as the “Christian Virgil,” and John Colet included him among the authors he wished to have taught at Saint Paul’s School.  Both these Northern humanists are more likely to have had his hagiographic epics in mind, however, than his pastoral poetry. There is no evidence that the Adulescentia was taught at Saint Paul’s during the first half of the sixteenth century. (Holofernes’ Mantuan, 9-17, 23-28.)

spacerNOTE 70 Garrett Godfrey’s Accounts c. 1527–1533, eds. Elisabeth Leedham, Green, D. E. Rhodes, and F. H. Stubbing, Cambridge Bibliographical Society Monograph No. 12 (Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 1992), items 5, 799.

spacerNOTE 71 See “Mantuan’s Eclogues in the English Reformation,” in Piepho, Holofernes’ Mantuan, 93-102.

spacerNOTE 72 The Abuses of the Romish Church Anatomized (London: Augustine Mathewes for John Grismand, 1623), sig. B2r.

spacerNOTE 73 In 1544 the Adulescentia was included in the curriculum of the cathedral school at Worcester (The Victoria History of the County of Worcester, eds. Willis Bund, et al. [Westminster: Constable, 1901–24], IV.483), and in 1593 it found a distant echo in the program of reading set for the King’s School, the cathedral school at Durham (The Victoria History of the County of Durham, ed. William Page [Westminster: Constable, 1905 – 28], I.378). For the role of Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cromwell in shaping the curriculum of the cathedral schools, see Holofernes’ Mantuan, 98f.

spacerNOTE 74 Holofernes’ Mantuan, 99f.

spacerNOTE 75 The Adulescentia is found, e. g., in the statutes of the grammar school, established in 1557, at Witton in Cheshire: Edgar I. Fripp, Shakespeare Studies (Oxford Univ. Press, 1930), 35. In 1583 it was set in the statutes of the aggressively Protestant Archbishop Grindal among the texts “only [to] be read” at the Free Grammar School of St. Bees which he endowed in Cumbria: Nicholas Carlisle, A Concise Description of the Endowed Grammar Schools in England and Wales, I.158. And by 1635 it was being taught at country schools such as the Free School of St. Helens: Foster Watson, The English Grammar School to 1660 (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1908), 486.

spacerNOTE 76 De Worde's editions aside, English printings of the Adulescentia adopt various arrangements of the following material: Johannes Murmellius’ annotatiunculi in a letter to Paulus Ruremundensis, together with an adelon incorporating comments on style abstracted from Badius’ dedicatory epistle, which Murmellius’ letter replaces; Mantuan’s letter to Paride Ceresara; the text with Murmellius’ argumenta and Badius’ commentary; and an index by Bartholomaeus Laurentis.

spacerNOTE 77 Lives of the Poets (Oxford Univ. Press, 1906), II.389. The last extant English printing of the complete Adulescentia appeared in London in 1707 (NUC NB0101010). In 1567 the first nine eclogues were translated into English fourteeners by George Turberville in an edition (C 421) reprinted in 1572 (C 427) and 1594 (C 444); and all ten were finally translated in the seventeenth century by Thomas Harvey as The Bucolicks of Baptist Mantuan in Ten Eclogues (London: Humphrey Mosley, 1656) (C 474). William Bewick in Several Letters and Miscellany Poems, 2nd ed. (Newcastle: James Fleming, 1742), 71, speaks of having made a translation of Mantuan’s eclogues, but only his versions of the first four eclogues seem to have survived as Faustus, Fortunatus and Amyntas (London: T. Warner, 1718) and Alphus (London: T. Warner, 1718) (C 488).

spacerNOTE 78 A New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching Schoole (1660, rpt. Menston: Scolar Press, 1969), 65–66. The title page announces that Hoole’s book was “Written about Twenty three yeares ago, for the Benefit of Rotherham School, where it was first used.” As Hoole remarks (300), Mantuan’s eclogues were taught in the fourth form at Rotherham before he came as master there.

spacerNOTE 79 As in, e.g., Michael Drayton’s The Owl in Works, eds. William Hebel, Kathleen Tillotson and Bernard Newdigate (Oxford: Shakespeare Head Press), 1931 – 41, II.497, and George Puttenham’s Arte of English Poesie (in G. Gregory Smith’s Elizabethan Critical Essays [Oxford Univ. Press, 1904], II.40).  

spacerNOTE 80 http://www.folger.edu/html/folger_institute/project_03.cfm The most famous line in Mantuan’s Adulescentia, as early as 1513 Johannes Murmellius pronounced it a trite proverb (Ausgewählte Werke, ed. A Bömer [Münster: Regensberg, 1892–95], IV.34), but Edgar Allan Poe could still cite it in the mid-nineteenth century being as “a phrase often quoted”: Marginalia, ed. John Carl Miller (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1982), 51. For its use by writers in early modern England, see Holofernes’ Mantuan, 72f.

spacerNOTE 81 The following account of Carmelite traditions and the religious spirit of the order is based on: Titus Brandsma, “Carmes,” Dictionnaire de spiritualité, eds. M. Viller et al., (Paris: Beauchesne, 1937– ), II.158 – 72, Joachim Smet, “The Carmelites,” and Efren de la Madre de Dios and Otger Steggink, “Carmelite Spirituality,” New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: McGraw–Hill, 1967), III.114 – 18, 118 – 21, Rudolf Hendricks, “La succession héréditaire,” Études Carmélitaines, 35 (1956), 34 – 81, The Rule of Saint Albert, trans. and eds. Hugh Clarke and Bede Edwards (Aylesford: n. p., 1973), and S 3 – 24.

spacerNOTE 82   See the conclusion of his De vita beata, in Opera, IV.ii, 209-11 and a letter (apparently written late in life) to Sigismondo Gonzaga, printed in S, 279 – 84.

spacerNOTE 83 For which, see S 98 – 106.

spacerNOTE 84 ...sicut antique...ordinis Carmelitarum constitutiones mandant et omnes sancti patres antiqui predicti ordinis observaverunt,” as quoted in S (104).

spacerNOTE 85 ...nos subfusco, vero et antiquo colore uteremur, alii autem sicut petierant remanerent, omnino denigrati. Quoted in S 281f.

spacerNOTE 86 Rule of Saint Albert, 90, see also New Catholic Encyclopedia, III.115.

spacerNOTE 87 Opera, IV.ii, 184v – 85, see Rule of Saint Albert, 78.

spacerNOTE 88 Dictionnaire de spiritualité, II.161–62, New Catholic Encyclopedia, III.114, and, more generally, George H. Williams, Wilderness and Paradise in Christian Thought (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), 38 – 46.

spacerNOTE 89 See, e.g., St. Jerome’s famous 125th epistle: “Let others think as they will…to me a town is a prison, and the wilderness a paradise”: Select Letters of St. Jerome, trans. F. A. Wright (London: Heinemann, 1963), 411. Quoted in Williams, op. cit., 43.

spacerNOTE 90 ...tum propter insitum ab ineunte etate urbis odium amoremque silvarum, propter quem multi ex nostris in omni sermone sepius me Silvanum quam Franciscum vocant... Le familiari, ed. Vittorio Rossi (Florence: Sansoni, 1933–42), II.305f.. Antipathy towards the city also appears in Boccaccio’s eclogues: see, e.g., XII.107, 119 – 27.

spacerNOTE 91 Col  79. Coleman’s introduction contains a good survey (pp. 1 – 14, 21 – 36) of the conventions and major developments in ancient pastoral.

spacerNOTE 92 For which, see Col 23.

spacerNOTE 93 In Latin pastoral the debate form goes back to Theodulus’ eclogue, a commonly used school text in the Middle Ages: see George L. Hamilton, “Theodulus: A Medieval Textbook,” MP, 7 (1909), 174. The subject matter of Mantuan’s tenth eclogue—the differences between the observant and nonobservant Carmelites—has its precedent in works such as the Dialogus inter Cluniacensem et Cisterciensem de diversis utriusque ordinis observantiis and Dialogus de clericis sæcularibius et regularibus: H. Walther, Das Streitgedicht in der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters, vol. 2 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1920), 163. The topic announced in the subtitle of Mantuan’s sixth eclogue—the virtues and vices of the city and countryside—is, however, one familiar in Roman culture (see the introductory note to Eclogue VI).

spacerNOTE 94 Cf., e.g., Juvenal Sat. VI.582 – 91, 610 – 26 and Mantuan IV.150 - 70 and VI.198 - 207. Similar catalogues are found in Petrarch’s eclogues (e.g., IV.45 – 49).

spacerNOTE 95 Tolomeo in his Apologia contra detrahentes operibus B. M. (Opera, IV.i, 102f.) defends his brother’s diction as being appropriate to the comic roughness of his speakers. And Badius likewise contends that, on the basis of his diction, Mantuan maintained a more consistent level of pastoral decorum than his master, Virgil (Renouard, op. cit., II.111).

spacerNOTE 96 See, e.g., Z1 148.

spacerNOTE 97 Francesco Arnaldi, “Introduzione,” Poeti latini del quattrocento (Milan - Naples: Ricciardi, 1964), xl – xli.

spacerNOTE 99 Helen Cooper, Pastoral: Medieval into Renaissance (Ipswich: D. S. Brewer, 1977), 55, 56f.. The comic and domestic tone unique in earlier Latin pastoral to Boccaccio’s eclogues may, as Janet Smarr suggests, have encouraged Mantuan’s extensive use of anecdotes, homey images, and humorous turns of phrase: Giovanni Boccaccio, Eclogues, trans. Janet Levarie Smarr (New York: Garland Pub., 1987), lxiii.

spacerNOTE 99 See the introductory note to Eclogue VIII. Hans Trümpy has inquired into this subject in his edition of Mantuan’s Fasti (also known as De sacris diebus): Die Fasti des Baptista Mantuanus von 1516 als volkskundliche Quelle (Nieukoop: de Graaf, 1979).  

spacerNOTE 100 A similarly symbolic function is served by the storm that closes the second eclogue—a purpose obscured by Zabughin (Z2  245), who stresses the specific and concrete qualities that distinguish it from the conclusions of Virgil’s eclogues.

spacerNOTE 101 See, e.g., Basil the Great, the organizer of Eastern monasticism:

I am living...in the wilderness wherein the Lord dwelt... Here is Mount Carmel where Elijah abode and pleased God. Here is the plain whither Ezra withdrew, and at God’s bidding poured forth from his mouth all his divinely inspired books. Here is the wilderness where the blessed John ate locusts and preached repentance to men. Here is the Mount of Olives, which Christ ascended and there prayed, teaching us how to pray... Here is the narrow and strait way that leadeth to life. Here are teachers and prophets, “wandering in deserts, in mountains, and in dens, and in caves of the earth” [Heb. 11:38]. Here are apostles and evangelists and the life of monks, citizens of the desert.

Quoted in Williams, op. cit., 39.

spacerNOTE 102 Conversely, by cutting Bembus’ concluding vision (lines 122 – 34, in Appendix I) from the revised version of his tenth eclogue, Mantuan intensifies the emphasis on constant, long term struggle to achieve an eremitic paradise within this world.

spacerNOTE 103 A description based on the fusion of Christ’s words on the cross, “this day thou shalt be with me in paradise” (Luke 23:43), the myth that placed the earthly paradise on a high mountain (see the note on VIII.44 – 46) and the specific significance of Mount Carmel in Mantuan’s religious order (Dictionnaire de spiritualité, II.157f.). Within pastoral poetry Boccaccio had already portrayed an otherworldly mountaintop paradise (Ecl. XIV 170 – 96, XV.156 – 64, 179 – 88). The implied link in Mantuan’s eclogues between paradise and the monastic cell, seen also in, e.g., Radbert’s Ecloga duarum sanctimonialium (lines 98f., in Seven Versions of Carolingian Pastoral, ed. R. P. H. Green [Univ. of Reading Press, 1980], 23), dates back to Jerome and the Eastern Church Fathers: see Williams, op. cit., 38–46 and Gerhart Ladner, The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1959), 77f., 147.

spacerNOTE 104 Aminta, ed. Luigi Fassò , 5th ed. (Florence: Sansoni, 1963), 35 – 38. Citing this link with Mantuan’s eclogue, Mustard points out (57) that Tasso’s chorus was translated into English by Samuel Daniel (Works, ed. A. B. Grosart [London: Hazell, Watson and Viney, 1885–96], I.260–62). Henry Reynolds also has a translation (reprinted with a discussion of the topic by Frank Kermode in English Pastoral Poetry: From the Beginnings to Marvell [London: George Harrap, 1952], 81–83, 241), and Thomas Carew adapted Tasso’s first chorus in his “A Rapture” (Poems, ed. Rhodes Dunlap [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949], 49 – 53).

spacerNOTE 105 See Calp., I., 10 and Virg., Ecl. VIII.47 – 50, also G. III.212 – 18.

spacerNOTE 106 The passage embarrassed even Mantuan’s English translators. As George Turberville notes, drawing a distinction absent from Alphus’ report: “Let never honest Lucrece lowre, / let not Grisell grutch: / For neither Alphus here, nor I / the modest matrone toutch.” The Eclogues of Mantuan, ed. Douglas Bush (New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles and Reprints, 1937), sig. E3v.

spacerNOTE 107 The first three eclogues are all set in springtime (I.172f., II.12f.). Eclogue V is suffused with the impending physical hardships of late autumn (see, e.g., line 24), and the sixth eclogue announces that winter has arrived in earnest (lines 1 – 27). The eighth and ninth eclogues bring us back to late spring and summer (VIII.1, IX.94 – 101), and, balancing the first eclogue’s vernal setting, Eclogue X returns us to a wintry scene (lines 13 – 17).

spacerNOTE 108 For a further discussion of the organization of Mantuan’s collection, see Lee Piepho, “The Organization of Mantuan’s Adulescentia and Spenser’s Shepheardes Calendar: A Comparison,” in Acta Conventus Neo–Latini Bononiensis: Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Neo–Latin Studies, ed. R. J. Schoeck (Binghamton, N. Y.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985), 577–82.

spacerNOTE 109 Mantuan’s exaltation of devotion to the Virgin Mary over erotic love may, as Janet Smarr points out (Boccaccio’s Eclogues, lxiii), have been influenced by a similar structural displacement of erotic by divine love in Boccaccio’s fourteenth eclogue. The distinction Mantuan draws in the opening three eclogues between good and bad erotic love is to be contrasted with the obsessively otherworldly mood that suffuses Boccaccio’s displacement of erotic love, however, as is his concern with worldly corruption and an achievable eremitic ideal in the last two eclogues of the Adulescentia.

spacerNOTE 100 For the background of this redemptive power of historical events as they are recreated in the lives of individuals, see A. C. Charity, Events and their Afterlife: The Dialectics of Christian Typology in the Bible and Dante (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1966), 8, 158 – 64.

spacerNOTE 111 Multivagam Christo feci servire poesim... From the Vitae suae epitome (Opera, II.387).

spacerNOTE 112 The main point of his influential attack on Mantuan’s poetry: see Fred J. Nichols, “The Development of Neo–Latin Theory of Pastoral in the Sixteenth Century,” HumLov, 18 (1969), 112.

spacerNOTE 113 In his “Discours sur la nature de l’eclogue,” Œuvres (Paris: n.p., 1790–92), V.9. Alphus’ sojourn in IV.87 likewise drew Fontenelle’s disapproval.

spacerNOTE 114 In his “Discourse on Pastoral Poetry,” Poems, ed. John Butt (New Haven, Yale Univ. Press, 1963), 122.

spacerNOTE 115 As a necessary condition for good pastoral Johnson noted that:

...the occasion which is supposed to produce it, be at least not inconsistent with a country life, or less likely to interest those who have retired into places of solitude and quiet, than the more busy part of mankind. It is therefore improper to give the title of pastoral to verses, in which the speakers, after the slight mention of their flocks, fall to complaints of the errors in the church....

Works, vol. III (The Rambler), eds. Walter Jackson Bate and Albrecht B. Strauss (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1969), 204–5.