HIS fifteenth year of the King, there was a great plague
both in
London and in divers parts of the kingdom. Wherefore the King after
often changes of place, whether to avoid the danger
of the
sickness, or to give occasion of an interview with the Archduke, or
both, sailed over with his Queen to Calais. Upon his coming thither
the Archduke sent an honourable ambassage unto him, as well to
welcome him into those parts, as to let him know that if it pleased
him he would come and do him reverence. But it was said withal, that
the King might be pleased to appoint some place that were out of any
walled town or fortress, for that he had denied the same upon like
occasion to the French King. And though he said he made a great
difference between the two Kings, yet he would be loth to give a
precedent, that might make it after to be expected at his hands by
another whom he trusted less. The King accepted of the courtesy, and
admitted of his excuse, and appointed the place to be at Saint
Peter’s Church without Calais. But withal he did visit the Archduke
with ambassadors sent from himself, which were the Lord St. John and
the secretary, unto whom the Archduke did the honour as (going to
mass at St. Omer’s) to set the Lord Saint John on his right hand and
the secretary on his left, and so to ride between them to church.
They day appointed for the interview the King went on horseback some
distance from Saint Peter’s Church to receive the Archduke. And upon
their approaching, the Archduke made haste to light [dismount], and
offered to hold the King’s stirrup at his
alighting, which he would not permit, but descending from horseback
they embraced with great affection. And withdrawing into the church
to a place prepared, they had long conference, not only upon the
confirmation of former treaties, and the freeing of commerce, but
upon cross-marriage to be had between the Duke of York the King’s
second son, and the Archduke’s daughter; and again between Charles,
the Archduke’s son and heir, and Mary the King’s second daughter. But
these blossoms of unripe marriage were but of friendly wishes, and
the airs of loving entertainment; though one of them came afterwards
to a conclusion in treaty, though not in effect. But during the time
that the two Princes conversed and communed together in the suburbs
of Calais, the demonstrations on both sides were passing hearty and
affectionate; especially on the part of the Archduke; who (besides
that he was a Prince of an excellent good nature) being conscious to
himself how drily this King had been used by his counsel in the
matter of Perkin, did strive by all means to recover it in the King’s
affection. And having also his ears continually beaten with the
counsels of his father and father-in-law, who in respect of their
jealous hatred against the French King did always advise the Archduke
to anchor himself upon the amity of King Henry of England, was glad
upon this occasion to put in ure [use] and
practice their precepts: calling the King patron, and father, and
protector, (these very words the King repeats, when he certified of
the loving behaviour of the Archduke to the city,) and what else he
could devise to express his love and observances to the King. There
came also the the King the Governor of Picardy and the Bailiff of
Amiens, sent from Lewis the French King to do him honour, and to give
him knowledge of his victory and winning of the duchy of Milan. It
seemeth the King was well pleased with the honours he
received
from those parts, while he was at Calais; for he did himself certify
all the news and occurrents of them in every particular from Calais
to the Mayor and Aldermen of London, which no doubt made no small
talk in the City. For the King, though he could not entertain the
good-will of the citizens as Edward the Fourth did, yet by affability
and other princely graces did ever make very much of them, and apply
himself to them.
2.
This year also died John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor
of England,
and Cardinal. He was a wise man and an
eloquent, but in his nature harsh and haughty, much accepted by the
King, but envied by the nobility and hated of the people. Neither was
his name left out of Perkin’s proclamation for any good will; but
they would not bring him in amongst the King’s casting counters,
because he had the image and superscription upon him of the Pope, in
his honour of Cardinal. He wanne [won over] the King with
secrecy and diligence, but chiefly because he was his old servant in
his less fortunes, and also for that in his affections he was not
without an inveterate malice against the house of York, under whom he
had been in trouble. He was willing also to take envy from the King
more than the King was willing to put upon him. For the King cared
not for subterfuges, but would stand envy, and appear in any thing
that was to his mind; which made envy still grow upon him; more
universal, but less daring. But in the matter of exactions, time did
after shew that the Bishop in feeding the King’s humour did rather
temper it. He had been by Richard the Third committed as in custody
to the Duke of Buckingham, whom he did secretly incite to revolt from
King Richard. But after the Duke was engaged, and thought the Bishop
should have been his chief pilot in the tempest, the Bishop was
gotten into the cock-boat, and fled beyond seas. But whatsoever else
was in the man, he deserveth a most happy memory, in that he was the
principal means of joining the two Roses. He died of great years, but
of strong health and powers.
3. The next year, which was the sixteenth year of the King and the
year of our Lord one thousand five hundred, was the year of jubilee
at Rome. But Pope Alexander, to save the hazard and charges of men’s
journeys to Rome, thought good to make over those graces by exchange
to such as would pay a convenient rate, seeing they could not come to
fetch them. For which purpose was sent into England Gasper Pons a
Spaniard, the Pope’s commissioner, better chosen than were the
commissioners of Pope Leo afterwards employed for Germany; for he
carried the business with great wisdom and semblance of holiness;
insomuch as he levied great sums of money within this land to the
Pope’s use, with little or no scandal. It was thought the King shared
in the money. But it appeareth by a letter which Cardinal Adrian, the
King’s pensioner, writ to the King from Rome some few years after,
that this was not so. For this Cardinal, being to persuade Pope
Julius on the King’s behalf to expedite the bull of dispensation for
the marriage between Prince Henry and the Lady Katherine, finding the
Pope difficile in granting thereof, doth use it as a principal
argument concerning the King’s merit towards that see, that he had
touched none of those deniers which had been levied by Pons in
England. But that it might the better appear (for the satisfaction of
the common people) that this was consecrate money, the same nuncio
brought unto the King a brief from the Pope, wherein the King was
exhorted and summoned to come in person against the Turk. For that
the Pope, out of the care of an universal father, seeing almost under
his eyes the successes and progresses of that great enemy of the
faith, had had in the conclave, and with the assistance of the
ambassadors of foreign Princes, divers consultations about an holy
war and general expedition of Christian Princes against the Turk.
Wherein it was agreed and thought fit, that the Hungarians,
Polonians, and Bohemians, should make a war upon Thracia: the French
and Spaniards upon Graecia; and that the Pope
(willing to
sacrifice himself in so good a cause) in person, and in company of
the King of England, the Venetians, (and such other states as were
great in maritime power), would sail with a puissant navy through the
Mediterrane unto Constantinople. And that to this end his Holiness
had sent nuncios to all Christian Princes, as well for a cessation of
all quarrels and differences amongst themselves, as for speedy
preparations and contributions of forces and treasure for this sacred
enterprise.
[4.] To
this the King (who understood well the court of Rome) make an answer
rather solemn
than serious. Signifying that no Prince
on earth should be more forward and obedient both by his person and
by all his possible forces and fortunes to enter into this sacred war
than himself. But that the distance of place was such, as no force
that he should raise for the seas could be levied or prepared but
with double the charge and double the time (at the least) that they
might be from the other Princes that had their territories nearer
adjoining. Besides, that neither the manner of his ships (having no
galleys) nor the experience of his pilots and mariners could be so
apt for those seas as theirs. And therefore that his Holiness might
do well to move one of those other Kings, who lay fitter for the
purpose, to accompany him by sea, whereby both all these things would
be no sooner put in readiness, and with less charge, and the
emulation and division of command which might grow between those
Kings of France and Spain if they should both join in the war by
land upon Graecia, might be wisely avoided. And that for his part he
would not be wanting in aids and contribution. Yet notwithstanding if
both these Kings should refuse, rather than his Holiness should go
alone, he would await upon him as soon as he could be ready. Always
provided that he might first see all the differences of the Christian
Princes amongst themselves fully laid down and appeased, (as for his
own part he was in none). And that he might have some good towns upon
the coast of Italy put into his hands, for the retreat and safeguard
of his men.
5. With this answer Gasper Pons returned, nothing at all
discontented. And yet this declaration of the King (as superficial as
it was) gave him that reputation abroad, as he was not long after
elected by the Knights of Rhodes protector of their order; all things
multiplying to honour in a prince that had gotten such high
estimation for his wisdom and sufficiency.
6.
There were these last two years some proceedings against heretics,
which was rare in this King’s reign; and rather by penances than
fire. The King had (though he were no good schoolman) the honour to
convert one of them by dispute at Canterbury.
7. This year also, though the King were no more haunted with sprites,
for that by the sprinkling partly of blood and partly of water he had
chased them away; yet nevertheless he had certain apparitions that
troubled him: still shewing themselves from one region, which was the
house of York. It came so to pass that the Earl of Suffolk, son to
Elizabeth eldest sister to King Edward the Fourth by John Duke of
Suffolk her second husband, and brother to John Earl of Lincoln, that
was slain at Stokefield, being of a hasty and choleric disposition,
had killed a man in his fury. Whereupon the King gave him his pardon,
but either willing to leave a cloud upon him or the better to make
him feel his grace, produced him openly to plead his pardon. This
wrought in the Earl, as in a haughty stomach it used to do. For the
ignominy printed deeper than the grace. Whereupon he being
discontented fled secretly into Flanders unto his aunt the Duchess of
Burgundy. The King startled at it, wrought with him so by messages
(the Lady Margaret also growing by often failing in her alchemy weary
of her experiments, and partly being a little sweetened for that the
King had not touched her name in the confession of Perkin,) that he
came over again upon good terms, and was reconciled to the King.
8. In the beginning of the next year, being the seventeenth of the
King, the Lady Katherine, fourth daughter of Ferdinando and Isabella,
King and Queen of Spain, arrived in England at Plymouth the second of
October, and was married to Prince Arthur in Paul’s the fourteenth of
November following: the Prince being then about fifteen years of age,
and the lady about eighteen. The manner of her receiving, the manner
of her entry into London, and the celebrity of the marriage, were
performed with great and true magnificence, in regard of cost, shew,
and order. The chief man that took the care was Bishop Foxe, who was
not only a grave counsellor for war or peace, but also a good
surveyor of works, and a good master of ceremonies, and any thing
else that was fit for the active part belonging to the service of
court or state of a great King. This marriage was almost seven years
in treaty, which was in part caused by the tender years of the
marriage-couple; especially of the Prince. But the true reason was
that these two Princes, being Princes of great policy and profound
judgment, stood a great time looking one upon another’s fortunes, how
they would go; knowing well that in the mean time the very treaty
itself gave abroad in the world a reputation of a strait conjunction
and amity between them which served on both sides to many purposes
that their several affairs required, and yet they continued still
free. But in the end, when the fortunes of both the Princes did grow
every day more and more prosperous and assured, and that looking all
about them they saw no better conditions, they shut it up.
9. The marriage-money the Princess brought (which was turned over to
the King by act of renunciation) was two hundred thousand ducats:
whereof one hundred thousand were payable ten days after the
solemnization, and the other hundred thousand at two payments annual;
but part of it to be in jewels and plate, and a due course set down
to have them justly and indifferently priced. The jointure of
advancement of the lady, was the third part of the principality of
Wales, and the dukedom of Cornwall, and of the earldom of Chester; to
be after set forth in severalty. And in case she came to be Queen of
England her advancement was left indefinite; but thus; that it should
be as great as ever any former Queen of England had.
10.
In all the devices and conceits of the triumphs of this marriage, there
was a
great deal of astronomy. The lady being resembled to
Hesperus, and the Prince to Arcturus; and the old King Alphonsus
(that was the greatest astronomer of Kings and was ancestor to the
lady) was brought in to be the fortune-teller of the match. And
whoseoever had those toys in compiling, they were not altogether
pedantical. But you may be sure that King Arthur the Briton, and the
descent of the Lady Katherine from the house of Lancaster, was in no
wise forgotten But as it should seem, it is not good to fetch
fortunes from the stars. For this young Prince (that drew upon him at
that time not only the hopes and affections of his country, but the
eyes and expectations of foreigners) after a few months, in the
beginning of April, deceased at Ludlow Castle, where he was sent to
keep his resiance [residence] and court as Prince of Wales.
Of this Prince, in respect he died so young, and by reason of his
father’s manner of education, that did cast no great lustre upon his
children, there is little particular memory. Only thus much
remaineth, that he was very studious and learned beyond his years,
and beyond the custom of great Princes.
11.
There was a doubt ripped up in the times following, when the divorce of
King
Henry the Eighth from the Lady Katherine did so much
busy the world whether Arthur was bedded with his lady or no, whereby
that matter in fact (of carnal knowledge) might be made part of the
case. And it is true that the lady herself denied it, or at least her
counsel stood upon it, and would not blanch [minimize] that
advantage; although the plenitude of the Pope’s power of dispensing
was the main question. And this doubt was kept long open in respect
of the two Queens that succeeded, Mary and Elizabeth, whose
legitimations were incompatible one with another; though their
succession was settled by act of Parliament. And the times that
favoured Queen Mary’s legitimation would have it believed that there
was no carnal knowledge between Arthur and Katherine; not that they
would seem to derogate from the Pope’s absolute power to dispense
even in that case; but only in point of honour, and to make the case
more favourable and smooth. And the times that favoured Queen
Elizabeth’s legitmation (which were the longer and the later)
maintained the contrary. So much there remaineth in memory; that it
was half a year’s time between the creation of Henry Prince of Wales
and Prince Arthur’s death; which was construed to be, for to expect
a full time whereby it might appear whether the Lady Katherine were
with child by Prince Arthur or no. Again the lady herself procured a
bull for the better corroboration of the marriage, with a clause of vel
forsan cognitam which was not in the first bull. There was
given in evidence also when the cause of the divorce was handled, a
pleasant passage, which was; that in a morning Prince Arthur upon his
up-rising from bed with her called for drink, which he was not
accustomed to do, and finding the gentleman of his chamber that
brought him the drink to smile at it and to note it, he said merrily
that he had been in the midst of Spain which was an hot region, and
his journey had made him dry; and that if the other had been in so
hot a clime he would have been drier than he. Besides the Prince was
upon the point of sixteen years of age when he died, and forward, and
able in body.
12. The February following, Henry Duke of York was created Prince of
Wales, and Earl of Chester and Flint. For the dukedom of Cornwall
devolved to him by statute. The King also being fast-handed and loth
to part with a second dowry, but chiefly being affectionate both by
his nature and out of politic considerations to continue the alliance
with Spain, prevailed with the Prince (though not without some
reluctation, such as could be in those years, for he was not twelve
years of age) to be contracted with the Princess Katherine: the
secret providence of God ordaining that marriage to be the occasion
of great events and changes.
13. The same year were the espousals of James King of Scotland and
the Lady Margaret the King’s eldest daughter; which was done by
proxy, and published at Paul’s Cross, the five and twentieth of
January, and Te Deum solemnly sung. But certain it is, that
the joy of the City thereupon shewed, by ringing of bells and
bonfires and such other incense of the people, was more than could be
expected in a case of so great and fresh enmity between the nations;
especially in London, which was far enough off from feeling any of
the former calamities of the war: and therefore might truly be
attributed to a secret instinct and inspiring (which many times
runneth not only in the hearts of Princes but in the pulse and veins
of people) touching the happiness thereby to ensue in time to come.
This marriage was in August following consummate at Edinburgh: the
King bringing his daughter as far as Collyweston on the way; and then
consigning her to the attendance of the Earl of Northumberland; who
with a great troop of lords and ladies of honour brought her into
Scotland to the King her husband.
[14.] This marriage had
been in treaty by the space of almost
three years, from the time that the King of Scotland did first open
his mind to Bishop Foxe. The sum given in marriage by the King was
ten thousand pounds: and the jointure and advancement assured by the
King of Scotland was two thousand pounds a year after King James his
death, and one thousand pounds a year in present for the lady’s
allowance or maintenance; this to be set forth in lands, of the best
and most certain revenue. During the treaty it is reported that the
King remitted the matter to his counsel, and that some of the table
in the freedom of counsellors (the King being present) did put the
case, — that if God should take the King’s two sons without issue,
that then the kingdom of England would fall to the King of Scotland,
which might prejudice the monarchy of England. Wherunto the King
himself replied: That if that should be, Scotland would be but an
accession to England, and not England to Scotland; for that the
greater would draw the less: and that it was a safer union for
England than that of France. This passed as an oracle, and silenced
those that moved the question.
15. The same year was fatal as well for deaths as marrriages; and
that with equal temper. For the joys and feasts of the two marriages
were compensed with the mournings and funerals of Prince Arthur (of
whom we have spoken) and of Queen Elizabeth, who died in child-bed in
the Tower, and the child lived not long after. There died also that
year Sir Reignold Bray, who was noted tho have had with the King the
greatest freedom of any counsellor; but it was but a freedom the
better to set off flattery; yet he bare more than his just part of
envy for the exactions.
16. At this time the King’s estate was very prosperous: secured by
the amity of Scotland; strengthened by that of Spain; cherished by
that of Burgundy; all domestic troubles quenched; and all noise of
war (like a thunder afar off) going upon Italy. Wherefore nature,
which many times is happily contained and refrained by some bands of
fortune, began to take place in the King; carrying as with a strong
tide his affections and thoughts unto the gathering and heaping up of
treasure. And as Kings do more easily find instruments for their will
and humour than for their service and honour, he had gotten for his
purpose, or beyond his purpose, two instruments, Empson and Dudley;
whom the people esteemed as his horse-leeches and shearers: bold men
and careless of fame, and that took toll of their master’s grist.
Dudley was of a good family, eloquent, and one that could put hateful
business into good language. But Empson, that was the son of a
sieve-maker, triumphed always upon the deed done; putting off all
other respects whatsoever. These two persons being lawyers in science
and privy counsellors in authority, (as the corruption of the best
things is the worst) turned law and justice into wormwood and rapine.
For first their manner was to cause divers subjects to be indicted of
sundry crimes; and so far forth to proceed in form of law; but when
the bills were found, then presently to commit them; and nevertheless
not to produce them in any reasonable time to their answer; but to
suffer them to languish long in prison, and by sundry artificial
devices and terrors to extort from them great fines and ransoms,
which they termed compositions and mitigations.
17.
Neither did they, towards the end, observe so much as the half-face of
justice,
in proceeding by indictment; but sent forth
their precepts to attach men and convent [convey] them before
themselves and some others at their private houses, in a court of
commission; and there used to shuffle up a summary proceeding by
examination, without trial of jury; assuming to themselves there to
deal both in pleas of the crown and controversies civil.
18. Then did they also use to inthral and charge the subjects’ lands,
with tenures in capite [direct ownership as crown
property], by finding false offices [inquisitions], and
thereby to work upon them for wardships,
liveries [income on a knight’s feudal rents while is in his
minority], premier seisins, [receipt of income of land owned
by a minor, until he came of age] and alienations (being the
fruits of those tenure); refusing (upon divers pretexts and delays)
to admit men to traverse those false offices, according to the
law.
Nay
the King’s wards after they had accomplished their full age could not
be suffered to have livery of their lands without paying excessive
fines, far exceeding all reasonable rates.
They
did also vex men with information of intrusion upon scarce colourable
titles.
19.
When men were outlawed in personal actions, they would not permit them
to purchase
their charters of pardon, except they paid great and
intolerable sums; standing upon the strict point of law, upon which
outlawries giveth forfeiture of goods. Nay contrary to
all law and colour, they maintained the King ought to have the half
of men’s lands and rents, during the space of full two years, for a
pain in case of outlawry. They would also ruffle with
[intimidate] jurors and inforce them to find as they would
direct, and (if they did not) convent them, imprison them, and fine
them.
20. These and many other courses, fitter to be buried than repeated,
they had of preying upon the people; both like tame hawks for their
master, and like wild hawks for themselves; insomuch as they grew to
great riches and substance. But their principal working was upon
penal laws, wherein they spared none great nor small; nor considered
whether the law were possible or impossible, in use or obsolete: but
raked over all old and new statutes; though many of them were made
with intention rather of terror than of rigour; ever having a rabble
of promoters, questmongers, and leading jurors at their command; so
as they could have any thing found, either for fact or valuation.
21.
There remaineth to this day a report, that the King was on a time
entertained
by the Earl of Oxford (that was his principal servant
both for war and peace) nobly and sumptuously, at his castle at
Henningham. And at the King’s going away, the Earl’s servants stood
in a seemly manner in their livery coats with cognizances ranged on
both sides, and made the King a lane [a bow]. The King called the Earl to
him, and said, “My lord, I have heard much of your hospitality, but I
see it is greater than the speech. These handsome gentlemen and
yeomen which I see on both sides of me are (sure) your menial
servants.” The Earl smiled and said, “It may please your Grace, that
were not for mine ease. They are most of them my retainers, that are
comen to do me service at such a time as this, and chiefly to see
your Grace.” The King started a little, and said, “By my faith (my
lord) I thank you for my good cheer, but I may not endure to have my
laws broken in my sight. My attorney must speak with you.” And it is
part of the report, that the Earl compounded for no less than fifteen
thousand marks. And to shew further the King’s extreme diligence; I
do remember to have seen long since a book of accompt of Empson’s,
that had the King’s hand almost to every leaf by way of signing, as
was in some places postilled [added notes] in the margin
[margin] with the King’s hand likewise, where was this
remembrance:
Item, Received, of such a
one, five marks, for a pardon to be procured; and if the pardon do not
pass, the money to be repaid; except the party be some other ways
satisfied.
And over against this
memorandum (of the
King’s own hand),
Which I do the rather
mention because it
shews in the King a nearness, but yet with a kind of justness. So
these little sands and grains of gold and silver (as it seemeth) holp
[helped] not
a little to make up the great heap and bank.
22.
But meanwhile to keep the King awake, the Earl of Suffolk, having been
too gay
at Prince Arthur’s marriage, and sunk himself deep in
debt, had yet once more a mind to be a knight-errant, and to seek
adventures in foreign parts; and taking his brother with him fled
again into Flanders, That no doubt which gave him confidence, was the
great murmur of the people against the King’s government. And being a
man of a light and rash spririt, he thought every vapour would be a
tempest. Neither wanted he some party within the kingdom. For the
murmur of people awakes the discontents of nobles, and again that
calleth up commonly some head of sedition. The King resorting to his
wonted and tried arts, caused Sir Robert Curson, captain of the
castle of Hammes, (being at that time beyond sea, and therefore less
likely to be wrought upon by the King) to fly from his charge and
feign himself a servant of the Earl’s. This knight having insinuated
himself into the secrets of the Earl, and finding by him upon whom
chiefly he had either hope or hold, advertised the King thereof in
great secrecy; but nevertheless maintained his own credit and inward
trust with the Earl. Upon whose advertisements, the King attached Sir
William Courtney Earl of Devonshire, his brother-in-law, married to
the Lady Katherine, daughter to King Edward the Fourth; William
Delapole, brother to the Earl of Suffolk; Sir James Tirrell and Sir
John Windham, and some other meaner persons, and committed them to
custody. George Lord Abergavenney and Sir Thomas Green were at the
same time apprehended; but as upon less suspicion, so in a freer
restraint, and were soon after delivered. The Earl of Devonshire
being interessed in the blood of York, (that was rather feared than
nocent [guilty],) yet as one that might be the object of
other plots and designs, remained prisoner in the Tower during the
King’s life. William Delapole was also long restrained, though not so
straitly. But for Sir James Tirrell (against whom the blood of the
innocent Princes, Edward the Fifth and his brother, did still cry
from under the altar), and Sir John Windham, and the other meaner
ones, they were attainted and executed; the two knights beheaded.
Nevertheless to confirm the credit of Curson (who belike had not yet
done all his feats of activity), there were published at Pual’s
Cross about the time of the said executions the Pope’s bull of
excommunication and curse against the Earl of Sulffolk and Sir Robert
Curson, and some others by name, and likewise in general against all
the abettors of the said Earl: wherein it must be confessed, that
heaven was made too much to bow to earth, and religion to policy. But
soon after, Curson when he saw time returned into England, and withal
into wonted favour with the King, but worse fame with the people.
Upon whose return the Earl was much dismayed, and seeing himself
destitute of hopes (the Lady Margaret also by tract of time and bad
success being now become cool in those attempts), after some
wandering in France and Germany, and certain little projects (no
better than squibs) of an exiled man, being tired out, retired again
into the protection of the Archduke Philip in Flanders, who by the
death of Isabella was at that time King of Castile, in the right of
Joan his wife.
23. This year, being the nineteenth of his reign, the King called
his Parliament, wherein a man may easily guess how absolute the King
took himself to be with his Parliament; when Dudley, that was so
hateful, was made Speaker of the House of Commons. In this Parliament
there were not made many statutes memorable touching public
government. But those that were had still the stamp of the King’s
wisdom and policy.
24.
There was a statute made for the disannulling of all patents of lease
or grant
to such as come not upon lawful summons to serve the
King in his wars, against the enemies or rebels, or that should
depart without the King’s license; with an exception of certain
persons of the long-robe; providing nevertheless that they should
have the King’s wages from <leaving> their house, till their
return home again. There had been the like made before for offices,
and by this statute it was extended to lands. But a man may easily
see by many statutes made in this King’s time, that the King thought
it safest to assist martial law by law of Parliament.
25.
Another statute was made, prohibiting the bringing in of manufactures
of silk
wrought by itself or mixt with any other thrid [thread]. But it was not
of stuffs or whole-piece (for that the realm had of them no manufacture
in use
at that time), but of
knit silk or texture of silk; as ribbands, laces, cauls, points, and
girdles, etc. which the people of England could then well skill to
make. This law pointed at a true principle; That where foreign
materials are but superfluities, foreign manufactures should be
prohibited. For that will either banish the superfluity, or gain the
manufacture.
26.
There was a law also of resumption of patents of gaols, and the
reannexing of them to the sheriffwicks; privileged officers being no
less an interruption of justice than privileged places.
27. There was likewise a law to restrain the by-laws or ordinances of
corporations, which many times were against the prerogative of the
King, the common law of the realm, and the liberty of the subject:
being fraternities in evil. It was therefore provided, that they
should not be put in execution, without the allowance of the
chancellor, treasurer, and the two chief justices, or three of them;
or of the two justices of circuit where the corporation was.
28.
Another law was in effect to bring in the silver of the realm to the
mint, in making all clipped minished or impaired coins of silver not
to be current in payments; without giving any remedy of weight; but
with an exception only of reasonable wearing; which was as nothing,
in respect of the incertainty; and so upon the matter to set the mint
on work, and to give way to new coins of silver which should then be
minted.
29. There likewise was a long statute against vagabonds, wherein two
things may be noted; the one, the dislike the Parliament had of
gaoling of them, as that which was chargeable, pesterous, and of no
open example. The other, that in the statute of this King’s time (for
this of the ninetheenth year is not the only statute of that kind)
there are ever coupled the punishment of vagabonds, and the
forbidding of dice and cards and unlawful games unto servants and
mean people, and the putting down and suppressing of alehouses; as
strings of one root together, and as if the one were unprofitable
without the other.
30.
As for riots and retainers, there passed scarce any Parliament in
this time without a law against them: the King every having an eye to
might and multitude.
31.
There was granted also that Parliament a subsidy, both from the
temporality and
the clergy. And yet nevertheless ere the year expired
there went out commissions for a general benevolence; though there
were no wars; no fears. The same year the City gave five thousand
marks, for confirmation of their liberties; a thing fitter for the
beginning of kings’ reigns than the latter ends. Neither was it a
small matter that the mint gained upon the late statute, by the
recoinage of groats and half-groats; now twelve-pences and
six-pences. As for Empson and Dudley’s mills, they did grind more
than ever. So that it was a strange thing to see what golden showers
poured down upon the King’s treasury at once. The last payments of
the marriage-money from Spain. The subsidy. The benevolence. The
recoinage. The redemption of the city’s liberties. The casualities
[income from confiscations].
And this is the more to be marveled at, because the King had then no
occasions
at all of wars
or troubles. He had now but one son; and one daughter unbestowed. He
was wise. He was of an high mind. He needed not to make riches his
glory, he did excel in so many things else; save that certainly
avarice doth every find in itself matter of ambition. Belike he
thought to leave his son such a kingdom and such a mass of treasure,
as he might choose his greatness where he would.
32.
This year was also kept the Serjeant’s feast, which was the second
call in this King’s days.
Go
to Chapter X