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BOUT this
time also was born the King’s second son Henry, who afterwards reigned.
And soon after followed the solemnisation of the marriage
between Charles and Anne Duchess of Britaine, with whom he received
the duchy of Brittaine as her dowry; the daughter of Maximilian being
a little before sent home. Which when it came to the ears of
Maximilian (who would never believe it till it was done, being ever
the principal in deceiving himself; though in this the French King
did very handsomely second it) and tumbling it over and over in his
thoughts, that he should at one blow (with such a double scorn) be
defeated both of the marriage of his daughter and his own (upon both
which he had fixed high imaginations), he lost all patience; and
casting off the respects fit to be continued between great Kings
(even when their blood is hottest and most risen), fell to bitter
invectives against the person and actions of the French King; and (by
how much he was the less able to do, talking so much the more) spake
all the injuries he could devise of Charles; saying that he was the
most perfidious man upon the earth; and that he had made a marriage
compounded between an advoultry [adultery] and a rape; which
was done (he said) by the just judgment of God to the end that (the
nullity thereof being so apparent to all the world) the race of so
unworthy a person might not reign in France. And forthwith he sent
ambassadors as well to the King of England as to the King of Spain,
to incite them to war and to treat a league offensive against France,
promising to concur with great forces of his own. Hereupon the King
of England (going nevertheless his own way) called a Parliament, it
being the seventh year of his reign; and the first day of opening
thereof (sitting under his cloth of estate) spake himself unto his
Lords and Commons in this manner:
2. “My
Lords and you the Commons; when I purposed to make a war in Brittaine
by my lieutenant,
I made declaration thereof to you by my
Chancellor. But now that I mean to make a war upon France in person,
I will declare it to you myself. That war was to defend another man’s
right, but this is to recover our own; and that ended by accident,
but we hope this shall end in victory.
3. “The
French King troubles the Christian world. That which he hath is not his
own,
and yet he seeketh more. He hath invested himself of
Brittaine. He maintaineth the rebels in Flanders: and he threateneth
Italy. For ourselves, he hath proceeded from dissimulation to
neglect, and from neglect to contumely. He hath assailed our
confederates: he denieth our tribute: in a word, he seeks war. So did
not his father; but sought peace at our hands; and so perhaps will
he, when good counsel or time shall make him see as much as his
father did.
4. “Meanwhile, let us make
his ambition our advantage, and let us not
stand upon a crown of tribute or acknowledgement, but by the favour
of Almighty God try our right for the crown of France itself;
remembering that there hath been a French King prisoner in England,
and a King of England crowned in France. Our confederates are not
diminished. Burgundy is in a mightier hand than ever, and never more
provoked. Britainne cannot help us, but it may hurt them. New
acquests [acquisitions] are more burden than strength. The
malcontents of his own kingdom have not been base populace nor
titulary impostors; but of an higher nature. The King of Spain (doubt
ye not) will join with us, not knowing where the French King’s
ambition will stay. Our holy father (the Pope) likes no Tramontanes
[northern Europeans] in Italy. But howsoever it be, this
matter of confederates is rather to be thought on than reckoned on;
for God forbid but England should be able to get reason of France
without a second.
5. “At
the battles of Cressy, Poictiers, Agent-Court, we were of ourselves.
France hath
much people, and few soldiers: they have no
stable bands of foot. Some good horse they have, but those are forces
which are least fit for a defensive war, where the actions are in the
assailant’s choice. It was our discords only that lost France; and
(by the power of God) it is the good peace which we now enjoy that
will recover it. God hath hitherto blessed my sword. I have in this
time that I have reigned, weeded out my bad subjects, and tried my
good. My people and I know one another; which breeds confidence. And
if there should be any bad blood left in the kingdom, an honourable
foreign war will vent it or purify it. In this great business let me
have your advice and aid. If any of you were to make his son knight,
you might have aids of your tenants by law. This concerns the
knighthood and spurs of the kingdom, whereof I am after; and bound
not only to seek to maintain it, but to advance it. But for matter of
treasure let it not be taken from the poorest sort, but from those to
whom the benefit of the war may redound. France is no wilderness and
I that profess good husbandry hope to make the war (after the
beginnings) to pay itself. Go together in God’s name, and lose no
time, for I have called this Parliament wholly for this cause.”
6. Thus spake the King. But for all this, though he shewed great
forwardness for war, not only to his Parliament and court, but to his
privy counsel likewise (except the two bishops and a few more), yet
nevertheless in his secret intentions he had no purpose to go through
with any war upon France. But the truth was, that he did but traffic
with that war, to make his return in money. He knew well that France
was now entire and at unity with itself, and never so mighty many
years before. He saw by the taste he had of his forces sent into
Brittaine that the French knew well enough how to make war with the
English; by not putting things to the hazard of a battle, but
wearying them by long sieges of towns, and strong fortified
encampings. James the Third of Scotland, his true friend and
confederate, gone; and James the Fourth (that had succeeded) wholly
at the devotion of France, and ill-affected towards
him. As
for the conjunctions of Ferdinando of Spain and Maximilian, he could
make no foundation upon them. For the one had power and not will; and
the other had will and not power. Besides that Ferdinando had but
newly taken breath from the war with the Moors; and merchanded [
negotiated] at this time with France for the restoring of the
counties of Russignon and Perpignian, oppignorated [used as
collateral for a loan] to the French. Neither was he out of fear
of the discontents and ill blood within the realm; which having used
always to repress and appease in person, he was loth they should find
him at a distance beyond the sea, and engaged in war. Finding
therefore the inconveniencies and difficulties in the prosecution of
a war, he cast with himself how to compass two things. The one, how
by the declaration and inchoation [commencement] of a war to
make his profit. The other, how to come off from the war with saving
of his honour. For profit, it was to be made two ways; upon his
subjects for the war, and upon his enemies for the peace; like a good
merchant that maketh his gain both upon the commodities exported and
imported back again. For the point of honour, wherein he might suffer
for giving over the war, he considered well, that as he could not
trust upon the aids of Ferdinando and Maximilian for supports of war,
so the impuissance [powerlessness] of the one, and the double
proceeding of the other, lay fair for him for occasions to accept of
peace. These things he did wisely foresee, and did as artificially
conduct, whereby all things fell into his lap as he desired.
7.
For as for the Parliament, it presently took fire, being affectionate
(of old)
to the war of France, and desirous (afresh) to
repair the dishonour they thought the King sustained by the loss of
Brittaine. Therefore they advised the King (with great alacrity) to
undertake the war of France. And although the Parliament consisted of
the first and second nobility (together with principal citizens and
townsmen), yet worthily and justly respecting more the people (whose
deputies they were) than their own private persons; and finding, by
the Lord Chancellor’s speech, the King’s inclination that way; they
consented that commissioners should go forth for the gathering and
levying of a Benevolence from the more able sort. This tax (called a
Benevolence) was devised by Edward the Fourth, for which he sustained
much envy. It was abolished by Richard the Third by act of
Parliament, to ingratiate himself with the people; and it was no
revived by the King; but with consent of Parliament; for so it was
not in the time of King Edward the Fourth. But by this way he raised
exceedingly great sums. Insomuch as the city of London (in those
days) contributed nine thousand pounds and better; and that chiefly
levied upon the wealthier sort. There is a tradition of a dilemma
that Bishop Morton (the Chancellor) used, to raise up the Benevolence
to higher rates; and some called it his fork, and some his crotch.
For he had couched an article in the instructions to the commissioners
who were to levy the Benevolence, That if they met with any that were
sparing, they should tell them that they must needs have, because
they laid up; and if they were spenders, they must needs have,
because it was seen in their port [style] and manner of
living; so neither kind came amiss.
8. This Parliament was merely a Parliament of war; for it was in
substance but a declaration of war against France and Scotland, with
some statutes conducing thereunto; as
the
severe punishing
of mort-pays and
keeping back soldiers’ wages in captains; the like severity for the
departure of soldiers without license; strengthening of the common
law in favour of protections for those that were in the King’s
service; and the setting the gate open and wide, for men to sell or
mortgage their lands without fines for alienation, to furnish
themselves with money for the war; and lastly the voiding of all
Scotchmen out of England.
There
was also a statute for the dispersing of the standard of the
exchequer throughout England, thereby to size weights and measures;
and two or three more of less importance.
9. After the Parliament was broken up (which lasted not long) the
King went on with his preparations for war of France; yet neglected
not in the mean time the affairs of Maximilian, for the quieting of
Flanders and restoring him to his authority amongst his subjects. For
at that time the Lord of Ravenstein, being not only a subject
rebelled but a servant revolted (and so much the more malicious and
violent), by the aid of Bruges and Gaunt had taken the town and both
the castles of Sluice (as we said before); and having by the
commodity of the haven gotten together certain ships and barks, fell
to a kind of piratical trade; robbing and spoiling and taking
prisoners the ships and vessels of all nations that passed alongst
that coast towards the mart of Antwerp, or into any part of Brabant,
Zealand, or Friezeland; being ever well victualled from Picardy,
besides the commodity of victuals from Sluice and the country
adjacent, and the avails of his own prizes. The French assisted him
still under-hand; and he likewise (as all men do that have been on
both sides) thought himself not safe, except he depended on a third
person.
[10.] There
was a small town some two miles from Bruges towards the sea, called
Dam; which
was a fort and approach to Bruges,
and had a relation also to Sluice. This town the King of the Romans
had attempted often (not for any worth of the town in itself, but
because it might choke Bruges, and cut it off from the sea); and ever
failed. But therewith the Duke of Saxony came down into Flanders,
taking upon him the person of an umpire, to compose things between
Maximilian and his subjects; but being (indeed) fast and assured to
Maximilian. Upon this pretext of neutrality and treaty, he repaired
to Bruges, desiring of the the states of Bruges to enter peaceably
into their town, with a retinue of some number of men of arms fit for
his estate, being somewhat the more (as he said) the better to guard
him in a country that was up in arms; and bearing them in hand that
he was to communicate with them of divers matters of great importance
for their good; which having obtained of them, he sent his carriages
and harbingers before him to provide his lodging; so that his men of
war entered the city in good array, but in peaceable manner, and he
followed. They that went before inquired still for inns and lodgings,
as if they would have rested there all night; and so went on till
they came to the gate that leadeth directly towards Dam; and they of Bruges only gazed upon them, and gave them passage. The
captains and inhabitants of Dam also suspected no harm from any that
passed through Bruges; and discovering forces afar off, supposed they
had been some succours that were come from their friends, knowing
some dangers towards them: and so perceiving nothing but well till it
was too late, suffered them to enter the town. By which kind of
slight, rather than stratagem, the town of Dam was taken, and the
town of Bruges shrewdly blocked up, whereby they took great
discouragement.
[11.] The
Duke of Saxony, having won the town of Dam, sent immediately to the
King to let
him know that it was Sluice chiefly
and the Lord Ravenstein that kept the rebellion of Flanders in life;
and that if it pleased the King to besiege it by sea, he also would
besiege it by land, and so cut out the core of those wars.
[12.] The
King, willing to uphold the authority of Maximilian (the better to hold
France
in awe) and being likewise sued unto by
his merchants, for that the seas were much infested by the barks of
the Lord Ravenstein, sent straightways Sir Edward Poynings, a valiant
man and of good service, with twelve ships, will furnished with
soldiers and artillery, to clear the seas, and to besiege Sluice on
that part. The Englishmen did not only coop up the Lord Ravenstein,
that he stirred not, and likewise hold in straight siege the maritime
part of the town, but also assailed one of the castles, and renewed
the assault so for twenty days’ space (issuing still out of their
ships at the ebb), as they made great slaughter of them of the
castle, who continually fought with them to repulse them; though of
the English part also were slain a brother of the Earl of Oxford’s,
and some fifty more. [13.] But
the siege still continuing more and more straight; and both the castles
(which
were the principal strength of the town)
being distressed, the one by the Duke of Saxony, and the other by the
English; and a bridge of boats, which the Lord Ravenstein had made
between both castles, whereby succours and relief might pass from the
one to the other, being on a night set on fire by the English, he
despairing to hold the town, yielded (at the last)
the castles
to the English, and the town to the Duke of Saxony, by composition.
Which done, the Duke of Saxony and Sir Edward Poynings treated with
them of Bruges to submit themselves to Maximilian their lord; which
after some time they did, paying (in some good part) the charge of
the war, whereby the Almains [Gemans] and foreign succours
were dismissed. The example of Bruges other of the revolted towns
followed; so that Maximilian grew to be out of danger, but (as was
his manner to handle matters) never out of necessity. And Sir Edward
Poynigns (after he had continued at Sluice some good while till all
things were settled) returned unto the King, being then before
Bulloigne.
14.
Somewhat about this time came letters from Ferdinando and Isabella,
King and
Queen of Spain, signifying the final conquest of
Grenada from the Moors; which action, in itself so worthy, King
Ferdinando (whose manner was never to lose any virtue for the
shewing) had expressed and displayed in his letters at large; with
all the particularities and religious punctos [punctiliousness] and
ceremonies, that were observed in the
reception of the city and kingdom: shewing amongst other things, that
the King would not by any means in person enter the city, until he
had first aloof [from a distance] seen the cross set up upon
the greater tower of Grenada, whereby it became Christian ground;
that likewise before he would enter he did homage to God above,
pronouncing by a herald from the height of that tower, that he did
acknowledge to have recovered that kingdom by the help of God
Almighty, and the glorious Virgin, and the virtuous Apostle Saint
James, and the holy father Innocent the Eighth, together with the
aids and services of his prelates, nobles, and commons: that yet he
stirred not from his camp, till he had seen a little army of martyrs,
to the number of seven hundred and more Christians (that had lived in
bonds and servitude as slaves to the Moors), pass before his eyes,
singing ad psalm for their redemption; and that he had given tribute
unto God, by alms and relif extended to them all, for his admission
into the city. These things were in the letters, with many more
ceremonies of a kind of holy ostentation.
15.
The King, ever willing to put himself into the consort or quire of all
religious
actions, and naturally affecting [having
affection for] much the King of Spain (as far as one King can
affect another), partly for his virtue and partly for a counterpoise
to France; upon the receipt of these letters sent all his nobles and
prelates that were about the court, together with the mayor and
aldermen of London, in great solemnity to the Church of Paul’s; there
to hear a declaration from the Lord Chancellor, now Cardinal. When
they were assembled, the Cardinal, standing upon the uppermost step
or half-pace before the quire, and all the nobles, prelates, and
governors of the City at the foot of the stairs, made a speech to
them; letting them know, that they were assembled in that consecrated
place to sing unto God a new song. For that (said he) these many
years the Christians have not gained new ground or territory upon the
Infidels, nor enlarged and set further the bounds of the Christian
world. But this is now done by the prowess and devotion of Ferdinando
and Isabella, Kings of Spain; who have to their immortal honour
recovered the great and rich kingdom of Granada and the populous and
mighty city of the same name from the Moors, having been in
possession thereof by the space of seven hundred years and more; for
which this assembly and all Christians are to render all laud and
thanks unto God, and to celebrate this noble act of the King of
Spain, who in this is not only victorious but apostolical, in the
gaining of new provinces to the Christian faith; and the rather for
that this victory and conquest is obtained without much effusion of
blood; whereby it is to be hoped that there shall be gained not only
new territory, but infinite souls to the church of Christ; whom the
Almighty (as it seems) would have live to be converted. Wherewithal
he did relate some of the most memorable particulars of the war and
victory. And after his speech ended, the whole assembly went solemnly
in procession, and Te Deum was sung.
16. Immediately after the solemnity, the King kept his May-day of his
palace at Shine (now Richmond); where to warm the blood of his
nobility and gallants against the war, he kept great triumphs of
jousting and tourney during all that month. In which space it so fell
out, that Sir James Parker and Hugh Vaughan one of the King’s
gentlemen ushers, having had a controversy touching certain arms that
the King-at-Arms had given Vaughan, were appointed to run some
courses one against another; and by accident of a faulty helmet that
Parker had on, he was stricken into the mouth at the first course, so
that his tongue was borne into the hinder part of his head, in such
sort that he died presently upon the place; which because of the
controversy precedent, and the death that followed, was accounted
amongst the vulgar as a combat or trial of right.
The
King towards the end of this summer, having put his forces wherewith
he meant to invade France in readiness (but so as they were not yet
met or mustered together), sent Urswick, now made his almoner, and
Sir John Risley to Maximilian, to let him know that he was in arms,
ready to pass the seas into France, and did but expect to hear from
him when and where he did appoint to join with him, according to his
promise made unto him by Countebalt his ambassador.
17.
The English ambassadors having repaired to Maximilian did find his
power and promise at a very great distance; he being utterly
unprovided of men, money, and arms, for any such enterprise. For
Maximilian having neither wing to fly on, for that his patrimony of
Austria was not in his hands (his father being then living), on the
other side his matrimonial territories of Flanders were partly in
dower to his mother-in-law, and partly not serviceable in respect of
the late rebellions, was thereby destitute of means to enter into
war. The ambassadors saw this well, but wisely thought fit to
advertise the King thereof, rather than to return themselves, till
the King’s further pleasure were known; the rather, for that
Maximilian himself spake as great as ever he did before, and
entertained them with dilatory answers; so as the formal part of
their ambassage might well warrant and require their further stay.
The King hereupon, who doubted as much before, and saw through his
business from the beginning, wrote back to the ambassadors,
commending their discretion in not returning, and willing them to
keep the state wherein the found Maximilian as a secret, till they
heard further from him; and meanwhile went on with his voyage royal
for France;
suppressing for
a time this
advertisement touching Maximilian’s poverty and disability.
18.
By this time was drawn together a great and puissant army unto the City
of London;
in which were Thomas Marquis Dorset, Thomas Earl
of Arundel, Thomas Earl of Derby, George Earl of Shrewsbury, Edmond
Earl of Suffolk, Edward Earl of Devonshire, George Earl of Kent, the
Earl of Essex, Thomas Earl of Ormond, with a great number of barons,
knights, and principal gentlemen; and amongst them Richard Thomas,
much noted for the brave troops that he brought out of Wales; the
army rising in the whole to the number of five and twenty thousand
foot, and sixteen hundred horse; over which the King (constant with
his accustomed trust and employment) made Jasper Duke of Bedford and
John Earl of Oxford generals under his own person. The ninth of
September, in the eighth year of his reign, he departed from
Greenwich towards the sea; all men wondering that he took that season
(being so near winter) to begin the war, and some thereupon gathering
it was a sign that the war would not be long. Nevertheless the King
gave out the contrary, thus; That he intending not to make a summer
business of it, but a resolute war (without terms prefixed) until he
had recovered France, it skilled [mattered] not much when he
began it; especially having Calais at this back, where he might
winter, if the reason of the war so required. The sixth of October he
embarked at Sandwich; and the same day took land at Calais, which as
the rendezvous where all his forces were assigned to meet. But in
this his journey towards the sea-side (wherein for the cause that we
shall now speak of he hovered so much the longer), he had received
letters from the Lord Cordes (who the hotter he was against the
English in time of war had the more credit in a negotiation of peace,
and besides was held a man open and of good faith); in which letters
there was made an overture of peace from the French King, with such
conditions as were somewhat to the King’s taste; but this was carried
at the first with wonderful secrecy. The King was no sooner come to
Calais, but the calm winds of peace began to blow. For first the
English ambassadors returned out of Flanders from Maximilian, and
certified the King that he was not to hope for any aid from
Maximilian, for that he was altogether unprovided. His will was good,
but he lacked money. And this was made known and spread throughout
the army. And although the English were therewithal nothing dismayed,
and that it be the manner of soldiers upon bad news to speak the more
bravely; yet nevertheless it was a kind of preparative to a peace.
Instantly in the neck of this (as the King had laid it) came news
that Ferdinando and Isabella, Kings of Spain, had concluded a peace
with King Charles, and that Charles had restored unto them the
counties of Ruscignon and Perpignian, which formerly were mortgaged
by John King of Arragon, Ferdinando’s father, unto France, for three
hundred thousand crowns: which debt was also upon this peace by
Charles clearly released. This came also handsomely to put on the
peace, both because so potent a confederate was fallen off, and
because it was a fair example of a peace bought; so as the King
should not be the sole merchant in this peace. Upon these airs of
peace, the King was content that the Bishop of Exeter and the Lord
Daubigny (Governor of Calais) should give a meeting unto the Lord
Cordes, for the treaty of a peace: but himself nevertheless and his
army, the fifteenth of October, removed from Calais, and in four
days’ march sat him down before Bulloigne.
19. During this siege of Bulloigne (which continued near a month)
there passed no memorable action nor accident of war. Only Sir John
Savage, a valiant captain, was slain, riding about the walls of the
town to take a view. The town was both well fortified and well
manned; yet it was distressed, and ready for an assault; which if
it had been given (as was thought) would have cost much blood; but
yet the town would have been carried in the end. Meanwhile a peace
was concluded by the commissioners, to continue for both the Kings’
lives. Where there was no article of importance; being in effect
rather a bargain than a treaty. For all things remained as they were,
save that there should be paid to the King seven hundred forty-five
thousand ducats in present, for his charges in that journey; and five
and twenty thousand crowns yearly, for his charges sustained in the
aids of the Britons. For which annual, though he had
Maximilian bound before for those charges, yet he counted the
alteration of the hand as much as the principal debt; and besides it
was left somewhat indefinitely when it should determine or expire;
which made the English esteem it as a tribute carried under fair
terms. And the truth is, it was paid both to the King and his son
Henry the Eighth, longer than it could continue upon any computation
of charges. There was also assigned by the French King unto all the
King’s principal counsellors great pensions, besides rich gifts for
the present, which whether the king did permit, to save his own purse
from rewards, or to communicate the envy a business that was
displeasing to his people, was diversely interpreted: for certainly
the King had no great fancy to own this peace; and therefore a little
before it was concluded, he had under-hand procured some of his best
captains and men of war to advise him to a peace under their hands,
in an earnest manner, in the nature of a supplication. But the truth
is, this peace was welcome to both Kings; to Charles, for that it
assured unto him the possession of Brittaine, and freed the
enterprise of Naples; to Henry, for that it filled his coffers; and
that he foresaw at that time a storm of inward troubles coming upon,
which presently after brake forth. But it gave no less discontent to
the nobility and principal persons of the army, who had many of them
sold or engaged their estates upon the hopes of the war. They stuck
not to say, That the King cared not to plume his nobility and people,
to feather himself. And some made themselves merry with that the King
had said in Parliament; That after this war once begun, he doubted
not but to make it pay itself; saying he had kept his promise.
20. Having risen from Bulloigne, he went to Calais, where he stayed
some time: from whence also he writ letters (which was a courtesy
that he sometimes used) to the Mayor of London and the Aldermen his
brethren; half bragging what great sums he had obtained for the
peace; knowing well that full coffers of the King is ever good news
to London; and better news it would have been, if their benevolence
had been but a loan. And upon the seventeenth of September following
he returned to Westminster, where he kept his Christmas.
21. Soon after the King’s return, he sent the Order of the Garter to
Alphonso Duke of Calabria, eldest son to Ferdinando King of Naples.
An honour sought by that Prince to hold him up in the eyes of the
Italians; who expecting the arms of Charles, made great account of
the amity of England for a bridle to France. It was received by
Alphonso with all the ceremony and pomp that could be devised; as
things use to be carried that are intended for opinion. It was sent
by Urswick; upon whom the King bestowed this ambassage, to help him
after many dry employments.