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UT
howsoever
the laws made in that Parliament did bear good and wholesome fruit; yet
the subsidy
granted at the same time bore a
fruit that proved harsh and bitter. All was inned at last into the
King’s barn; but it was after a storm. For when the commissioners
entered into the taxation of the subsidy in Yorkshire and the
bishoprick of Durham, the people upon a sudden grew into great
mutiny, and said openly that they had endured of late years a
thousand miseries, and neither could nor would pay the subsidy. This
no doubt proceeded not simply of any present necessity, but much by
reason of the old humour of those countries, where the memory of King
Richard was so strong, that it lay like lees in the bottom of men’s
hearts, and if the vessel was but stirred it would come up; and no
doubt it was partly also by the instigation of some factious
malcontents that bare principal stroke amongst them. Hereupon the
commissioners, being somewhat astonished, deferred the matter unto
the Earl of Northumberland, who was the principal man in those parts.
The Earl forthwith wrote unto the court, signifying to the King
plainly enough in what flame he found the people of those countries,
and praying the King’s direction. The King wrote back peremptorily
that he would not have one penny abated of that which had been
granted to him by Parliament; both because it might encourage other
countries to pray the like release or mitigation; and chiefly because
he would never endure that the base multitude should frustrate the
authority of the Parliament, wherein their votes and consents were
concluded. Upon this dispatch from court, the Earl assembled the
principal justices and freeholders of the country; and speaking to
them in the imperious language wherein the King had written to him,
which needed not (save that an harsh business was unfortunately
fallen into the hands of a harsh man), did not only irritate the
people, but make them conceive by the stoutness and haughtiness of
the King’s errand, that himself was the author or principal persuader
of that counsel: whereupon the meaner sort routed together, and
suddenly assailing the earl in his home, slew him and divers of his
servants; and rested not there, but creating for their leader Sir
John Egremond, a factious person, and one that had of a long time
borne an ill talent towards the King, and being animated also by a
base fellow, called John a Chamber, a very boutefeu, who
bore
much sway amongst the vulgar and populace, entered into open
rebellion, and gave out in flat terms that they would go against King
Henry and fight with him for the maintenance of their liberties.
2. When the King
was advertised
of this new insurrection (being almost a fever that took him every
year), after his manner little troubled therewith, he sent Thomas
Earl of Surrey (whom he had a little before not only released out of
the Tower and pardoned, but also received into especial favour) with
a competent power against the rebels, who fought with the principal
of them and defeated them, and took alive John a Chamber their
firebrand. As for Sir John Egremond, he fled into Flanders to the
Lady Margaret of Burgundy, whose palace was the sanctuary and
receptacle of all traitors against the King. John a Chamber was
executed at York in great state; for he was hanged upon a gibbet
raised a stage higher in the midst of a square gallows, as a traitor
paramount; and a number of his men that were his chief complices were
hanged upon the lower storey round about him; and the rest were
generally pardoned. Neither did the King himself omit his custom to
be first or second in all his warlike exploits, making good his word
which was usual with him when he heard of rebels (that he desired but
to see them). For immediately after he had sent down the Ear of
Surry, he marched towards them himself in person. And although in his
journey he heard news of the victory, yet he went on as far as York,
to pacify and settle those countries: and that done, returned to
London, leaving the Earl of Surrey for his lieutenant in the northern
parts, and Sir Richard Tunstal for his principal commissioner to levy
the subsidy, whereof he did not remit a denier.
3.
About the same time that the King lost so good a servant as the Earl of
Northumberland,
he lost likewise a faithful friend and ally
of James the Third King of Scotland by a miserable disaster. For this
unfortunate Prince, after a long smother of discontent and hatred of
many of his nobility and people, breaking forth at times into
seditions and alterations of court, was at last distressed by them,
having taken arms and surprised the person of Prince James his son
(partly by force, partly by threats that he would otherwise deliver
up the kingdom to the King of England) to shadow their rebellion, and
to be the titular and painted head of those arms. Whereupon the King
(finding himself too weak) sought unto King Henry, as also unto the
Pope and the King of France, to compose those troubles between him
and his subjects. The Kings accordingly interposed their mediations
in a round and princely manner, not only by way of request and
persuasion, but also by way of protestation and menace, declaring
that they thought it to be the common cause of all Kings, if subjects
should be suffered to give laws unto their sovereign; and that they
would accordingly resent it and revenge it. But the rebels that had
shaken off the greater yoke of obedience, had likewise cast away the
lesser tie of respect; and fury prevailing above fear, made answer,
that there was no talking of peace except their King would resign his
crown. Whereupon (treaty of accord taking no place) it came to a
battle at Bannocks-bourn by Strivelin [Sterling]. In which
battle the King transported with wrath and just indignation,
inconsideratly fighting and precipitating the charge before his whole
numbers came up to him, was, notwithstanding the contrary express and
straight commandment of the Prince his son, slain in the pursuit,
being fled to a mill situate in the field where the battle was
fought.
4. As for the Pope’s ambassy, which as went by Adrian de Castello an
Italian legate, (and perhaps as those times were might have prevailed
more,) it came too late for the ambassy, but not for the ambassador.
For passing through England and being honourably entertained and
received by King Henry (who ever applied himself with much respect to
the see of Rome), he fell into great grace with the King, and great
familiarity and friendship with Morton the Chancellor. Insomuch as
the King taking a likeing to him and finding him to his mind,
preferred him to the bishoprick of Hereford, and afterwards to that
of Bath and Wells, and employed him in many of his affairs of state
that had relation to Rome. He was a man of great learning, wisdom,
and dexterity in business of state; and having not long after
ascended to the degree of cardinal, payed the King large tribute of
his gratitude in diligent and judicious advertisement of the
occurrents of Italy. Nevertheless in the end of his time he was
partaker of the conspiracy which cardinal Alphonso Petrucci and some
other cardinals had plotted against the life of Pope Leo. And this
offence, in itself so hainous, was yet in him aggravated by the
motive thereof; which was not malice or discontent, but an aspiring
mind to the papacy. And in this height of impiety there wanted
not an intermixture of levity and folly, for that (as was generally
believed) he was animated to expect the papacy by a fatal mockery;
the prediction of a sooth-sayer; which was, That one should succeed
Pope Leo, whose name should be Adrian, an aged man of mean birth and
of great wisdom; by which character and figure he took himself to be
described; though it were fulfilled of Adrian the Fleming, son to a
Dutch brewer, cardinal of Tortosa, and preceptor unto Charles the
Fifth; the same that, not changing his christen-name, was afterwards
called Adrian the Sixth.
5. But these things happened in the year following, which was the
fifth of this King. But in the end of the fourth year the King had
called again his Parliament, not as it seemeth for any particular
occasion of state: but the former Parliament being ended somewhat
suddenly (in regard of the preparation for Brittaine), the King
thought he had not remunerated his people sufficiently with good
laws, (which evermore was his retribution for treasure): and finding
by the insurrection in the north, there was discontentment abroad in
respect of the subsidy, he thought it good for to give his subjects
yet further contentment in that kind. Certainly his times for good
commonwealths law did excel; so as he may justly be celebrated for
the best lawgiver to this nation after King Edward the First. For his
laws (whoso marks them well) are deep and not vulgar; not made upon
the spur of a particular occasion for the present, but out of
providence of the future; to make the estate of his people still more
and more happy, after the manner of the legislators in ancient and
heroical times.
6. First therefore he made a law suitable to his own acts and times.
For as himself had in his person and marriage made a final concord in
the great suit and title for the crown; so by this law he settled the
like peace and quiet in the private possessions of the subjects:
ordaining, That Fines thenceforth would be final to conclude all
strangers’ rights; and that upon fines levied, and solemnly
proclaimed, the subject should have his time of watch for five years
after his title accrued; which if he forepassed, his right should be
bound for ever after; which some exception nevertheless of minors,
married women, and such incompetent persons. This statue did in
effect but restore an ancient statute of the realm, which was itself
also made but in affirmance of the common law. The alteration had
been by a statute commonly called the statute of non-claim, made in
the time of Edward the Third. And surely this law was a kind of
prognostic of the good peace which since his time hath (for the most
part) continued in this kingdom until this day. For statutes of
non-claim are fit for times of war, when men’s heads are troubled,
that they cannot intend their estate; but statutes that quiet
possessions are fittest for times of peace, to extinguish suits and
contentions; which is one of the banes of peace.
7. Another statute was made of singular policy; for the population
apparently, and (if it be thoroughly considered) for the soldiery and
military forces of the realm. Inclosures at that time began to be more
frequent, whereby arable land (which could not be manured without
people and families) was turned into pasture, which
was easily
rid by a few herdsmen; and tenances for years, lives, and at will,
(whereupon much of the yeomanry lived,) were turned into demenses.
This bred a decay of people, and by consequence a decay of towns,
churches, tithes, and the like. The King likewise knew full well, and
in no wise forgot, that there ensued withal upon this a decay and
diminution of subsides and taxes; for the more gentlemen ever the
lower books of subsidies. In remedying of this inconvenience the
King’s wisdom was admirable; and the Parliament’s at that time.
Inclosures they would not forbid, for that had been to forbid the
improvement of the patrimony of the kingdom; nor tillage they would
not compel; for that was to strive with nature and utility: but they
took a course to take away depopulating inclosures and depopulating
pasturage, and yet not by that name, or by any imperious express
prohibition, but by consequence. The ordinance was, That all houses
of husbandry, that were used with twenty acres of ground and upwards,
should be maintained and kept up for ever; together with a competent
proportion of land to be used and occupied with them, and in no wise
to be severed from them (as by another statute, made afterwards in
his successor’s time, was more fully declared): this upon forfeiture
to be taken, not by way of popular action, but by seizure of the land
by the King and lords of the fee, as to half the profits, till the
house and lands were restored. By this means the houses being kept up
did of necessity enforce a dweller; and the proportion of land for
occupation being kept up, did of necessity enforce that dweller not
to be a beggar or cottager, but a man of some substance, that might
keep hinds and servants, and set the plough on going. This did
wonderfully concern the might and mannerhood of the kingdom, to have
farms as if it were of a standard, sufficient to maintain an able
body out of penury, and did in effect amortise a great part of the
lands of the kingdom unto the hold and occupation of the yeomanry or
middle people, of a condition between gentlemen and cottagers or
peasants. Now how much this did advance the military power of the
kingdom, is apparent by the true principles of war and the examples
of other kingdoms. For it hath been held by the general opinion of
men of best judgment in the wars (howsoever some few have varied, and
that it may receive some distinction of case) that the principal
strength of an army consisteth in the infantry or foot. And to make
good infantry, in requireth men bred not in a servile or indigent
fashion, but in some free and plentiful manner. Therefore if a state
run most to noblemen and gentlemen, and that the husbandmen and
ploughmen be but as their workfolks or labourers, or else mere
cottagers (which are but housed beggars), you may have a good
cavalry, but never good stable bands of foot; like to coppice woods
that if you leave in them staddles too thick, they will run to bushes
and briars, and have little clean underwood. And this is to be seen
in France and Italy (and some other parts abroad), where in effect
all is noblesse or peasantry (I speak of people out of towns), and no
middle people; and therefore no good forces of foot; insomuch as they
are enforced to employ mercenary bands of Switzers (and the like) for
their battalions of foot. Whereby also it comes to pass that those
nations have much people and few soldiers. Whereas the King saw that
contrariwise it would follow, that England, though much less in
territory, yet should have infinitely more soldiers of the native
forces than those other nations have. Thus did the King secretly sow
Hydra’s teeth; whereupon (according to the poets’ fiction) should
rise up armed men for the service of this kingdom.
8. The King also (having care to make his realm potent as well by sea
as by land) for the better maintenance of the navy, ordained, that
wines and woads from the parts of Gascoign and Languedoc, should not
be brought in but in English bottoms; bowing the ancient policy of
this estate from consideration of plenty to consideration of power;
for that almost all the ancient statutes invite (by all means)
merchants strangers to bring in all sorts of
commodities;
having for end cheapness, and not looking to the point of state
concerning the naval power.
9. The King also made a statute in that Parliament monitory and
minatory towards justices of peace, that the should duly execute
their office, inviting complaints against them, first to their
fellow-justices, then to the justices of assize, then to the King or
Chancellor; and that a proclamation which he had published of that
tenor should be read in open session four times a year, to keep them
awake. Meaning also to have his laws executed, and thereby to reap
either obedience or forfeitures, (wherein towards his later times he
did decline too much to the left hand,) he did ordain remedy against
the practice that was grown in use, to stop and damp informations
upon penal laws, by procuring informations by collusion to be put in
by the confederates of the delinquents, to be faintly prosecuted and
let fall at pleasure, and pleading them in bar of the informations
which were prosecuted with effect.
10. He made also laws for the correction of the mint, and
counterfeiting of foreign coin current. And that no payment in gold
should be made to any merchant stranger; the better to keep treasure
within the realm; for that gold was the metal that lay in least
room.
11. He made also statutes for the maintenance of drapery and the
keeping of wools within the realm; and not only so, but for stinting
and limiting the prices of cloth; one for the finer, and another for
the coarser sort. Which I note, both because it was a rare thing to
set prices by statute, especially upon our home commodities; and
because of the wise model of the act; not prescribing prices, but
stinting them not to exceed a rate; that the clothier might drape
accordingly as he might afford.
12. Divers other good statutes were made that Parliament, but these
were the principal. And here I do desire those into whose hands this
work shall fall, that they do take in good part my long insisting
upon the laws that were made in this King’s reign; whereof I have
these reasons; both because it was the preeminent virtue and merit of
this King, to whose memory I do honour; and because it hath some
correspondence to my person; but chiefly because in my jugdement it is
some defect even in the best writers of history, that they do not
often enough summarily deliver and set down the most memorable laws
that passed in the times whereof they write, being indeed the
principal acts of peace. For though they may be had in original books
of law themselves; yet that informeth not the judgment of kings and
counsellors and persons of estate so well as to see them described
and entered in the table and portrait of the times.
13. About the same time the King had a loan from the City of four
thousand pounds, which was double to that they lent before, and was
duly and orderly paid back at the day, as the former likewise had
been: the King ever choosing rather to borrow too soon than to pay
too late, and so keeping up his credit.
14.
Neither had the King yet cast off his cares and hopes touching
Brittaine, but
thought to master the occasion by policy, though his
arms had been unfortunate, and to bereave the French King of the
fruit of his victory. The sum of his design was to encourage
Maximilan to go on with his suit for the marriage of Anne the heir of
Brittaine, and to aid him to the consummation thereof. But the
affairs of Maximilian were at that time in great trouble and
combustion, by a rebellion of his subjects in Flanders, especially
those of Bruges and Gaunt; whereof the town of Bruges (at such time
as Maximilian was there in person) had suddenly armed in tumult, and
slain some of his principal officers, and taken himself prisoner, and
held him in durance till they had enforced him and some of his
counsellors to take a solemn oath to pardon all their offences, and
never to question and revenge the same in time to come. Nevertheless
Frederick the Emperor would not suffer this reproach and indignity
offered to his son to pass, but made sharp wars upon Flanders to
reclaim and chastise the rebels. But the Lord Ravenstein a principal
person about Maximilian and one that had taken the oath of abolition
with his master, pretending the religion thereof, but indeed upon
private ambition, and as it was thought instigated and corrupted from
France, forsook the Emperor and Maximilian his lord, and made himself
an head of the popular party, and seized upon the towns of Ipre and
Sluce with both the castles; and forthwith sent to the Lord Cordes
governor of Picardy under the French King, to desire aid, and to move
him that he on the behalf of the French King would be protector of
the united towns, and by force of arms reduce the rest. The Lord
Cordes was ready to embrace the occasion, which was partly of his own
setting, and sent forthwith greater forces than it had been possible
for him to raise on the sudden if he had not looked for such a
summons before, in aid of the Lord Ravenstein and the Flemings, with
instructions to invest the towns between France and Bruges. The
French forces besieged a little town called Dixume, where part of the
Flemish forces joined with them While they lay at this siege, the
King of England, upon preten0se of the safety of the English pale
about Calais, but in truth being loth that Maximilian should become
contemptible and thereby be shaken off by the states of Brittaine
about his marriage, sent over the Lord Morley with a thousand men
unto the Lord Daubigny, then deputy of Calais, with secret
instructions to aid Maximilian and to raise the siege of Dixmue. The
Lord Daubigny (giving it out that all was for the strengthening of
the English marches) drew out of the garrisons of Calais, Hammes and
Guines, to the number of a thousand men more; so that with the
fresh succours that came under the conduct of the Lord Morley, they
made up to the number of two thousand or better. Which forces joining
with some companies of Almaynes [Germans], put themselves
into Dixmue, not perceived by the enemies; and passing through the
town (with some reinforcement from the forces that were in the town)
assailed the enemies’ camp, negligently guarded as being out of fear,
where there was a bloody fight, in which the English and their
partakers obtained the victory, and slew to the number of eight
thousand men, with the loss on the English part of a hundred or
thereabouts; amongst whom was the Lord Morley. They took also their
great ordnance, with much rich spoils, which they carried to Newport;
whence the Lord Daubigny returned to Calais, leaving the hurt men and
some other voluntaries in Newport. But the Lord Cordes being at Ipre
with a great power of men, thinking to recover the loss and disgrace
of the fight at Dixmue, came presently on and sat down before Newport
and besieged it; and after some days siege, he resolved to try the
fortune of an assault; which he did one day, and succeeded therein so
far, that he had taken the principal tower and fort in that city, and
planted upon it the French banner; whence nevertheless they were
presently beaten forth by the English, by the help of some fresh
succours of archers, arriving by good fortune (at the instant) in the
haven of Newport. Whereupon the Lord Cordes, discouraged, and
measuring the new succours which were small by the success which was
great, left his siege. By this means matters grew more exasperate
between the two Kings of England and France, for that in the war of
Flanders the auxiliary forces of French and English were much blooded
one against another; which blood rankled the more, by the vain words
of the Lord Cordes, that declared himself an open enemy of the
English, beyond that that appertained to the present service; making
it a common by-word of this, That he could be content to lie in hell
seven years so he might win Calais from the English.
15. The King having thus upheld the reputation of Maximilian, advised
him now to press on his marriage with Brittaine to a conclusion;
which Maximilian accordingly did; and so far forth prevailed both
with the young lady and with the principal persons about her, as the
marriage was consummate by proxy with a ceremony at that time in
these parts new. For she was not only publicly contracted, but stated
as a bride, and solemnly bedded, and after she was laid, there came
in Maximilian’s ambassador with letters of procuration, and in the
presence of sundry noble personages, men and women, put his leg
(stript naked to the knee) between the espousal sheets, to the end
that the ceremony might be thought to amount to a consummation and
actual knowledge. This done, Maximilian (whose property was to leave
things then when they had almost come to perfection, and to end them
by imagination; like ill archers, that draw not their arrows up to
the head; and who might as easily have bedded the lady himself as to
have made a play and disguise of it,) thinking now all assured,
neglected for a time his further proceeding, and intended his wars.
Meanwhile the French King (consulting with his
divines, and
finding that this pretended consummation was rather an invention of
court than any ways valid by the laws of the church,) went more
really to work; and by secret instruments and cunning agents, as well
matrons about the young lady as counsellors, first sought to remove
the point of religion and honour out of the mind of the lady herself;
wherein there was a double labour; for Maximilian was not only
contracted unto the lady, but Maximilian’s daughter was likewise
contracted to King Charles: also as the marriage halted upon both
feet, and was not clear on either side. But for the contract with
King Charles, the exception lay plain and fair; for that Maximilian’s
daughter was under years of consent, and so not bound by law; but by
a power of disagreement left to either part. But for the contract
made by Maximilian with the lady herself, they were harder driven:
having nothing to allege, but that it was done without the consent of
her sovereign lord King Charles, whose ward and client she was, and
he to her in place of a father; and therefore it was void and of no
force, for want of such consent. Which defect (they said) thought it
would not evacuate a marriage after cohabitation and actual
consummation, yet it was enough to make void a contract. For as for
the pretended consummation, they made sport with it, and said that it
was an argument that Maximilian was a widower, and a cold wooer, that
could content himself to be a bridegroom by deputy, and would not
make a little journey to put all out of question. So instilled by
such as the French King (who spared for no rewards or promises) had
made on his side; and allured likewise by the present glory and
greatness of King Charles (being also a young king and a bachelor);
and loth to make her country the seat of a long and miserable war;
secretly yielded to accept of King Charles. But during this secret
treaty with the lady, the better to save it from blasts of opposition
and interruption, King Charles resorting to his wonted arts, and
thinking to carry the marriage as he had carried the wars, by
entertaining the King of England in vain belief, sent a solemn
ambassage by Francis Lord of Luxemburgh, Charles
Marignian,
and Robert Gagvien, general of the order of the bons-hommes of
the Trinity, to treat a peace and league with the King; accoupling it
with an article in the nature of a request, that the French King
might with the King’s good will (according unto his right of
seigniory and tutelage) dispose of the marriage of the young Duchess
of Brittaine as he should think good, offering by a judicial
proceeding to make void the marriage of Maximilian by proxy. Also all
this while the better to amuse the world, he did continue in his
court and custody the daughter of Maximilian, who formerly had been
sent unto him to be bred and educated in France, not dismissing or
renvoying her, but contrariwise professing and giving out strongly
that he meant to proceed with that match; and that for the Duchess of
Brittaine, he desired only to preserve his right of seigniory, and to
give her in marriage to some such ally as might depend upon him.
16. When the three commissioners came to the court of England, they
delivered their ambassage unto the King, who remitted them to his
counsel; where some days after they had audience, and made their
proposition by the Prior of the Trinity (who though he were third in
place, yet was held the best speaker of them) to this effect:
17. “My
lords, the King our master, the greatest and mightiest King that
reigned in France
since Charles the great whose name he beareth,
hath nevertheless thought it no disparagement to his greatness at
this time to propound a peace, yea and to pray a peace, with the King
of England. For which purpose he hath sent us his commissioners,
instructed and enabled with full and ample power to treat and
conclude; giving us further in charge to open in some other business
the secrets of his own intentions. These be indeed the precious love
tokens between great Kings, to communicate one with another the true
state of their affairs, and to pass by nice points of honour, which
ought not to give law unto affection. This I do assure your
lordships; it is not possible for you to imagine the true and cordial
love that the King our master beareth to your sovereign, except you
were near him as we are. He useth his name with so great respect, he
remembereth their first acquaintance at Paris with so great
contentment, nay he never speaks of him, but that presently he falls
into discourse of the miseries of great Kings, in that they cannot
converse with their equals, but with their servants. This affection
to your King’s person and virtues God hath put into the heart of our
master, no doubt for the good of Christendom, and for purpose yet
unknown to us all; for other root it cannot have, since it was the
same to the Earl of Richmond that it now is to the King of England.
This is therefore the first motive that makes our King to desire
peace and league with your sovereign; good affection, and somewhat
that he finds in his own heart. This affection is also armed with
reason of estate. For our King doth in all candour and frankness of
dealing open himself unto you, that having an honourable, yea and
holy purpose, to make a voyage and war in remote parts, he
considereth that it will be of no small effect in point of reputation
to his enterprise, if it be known abroad that he is in good peace
with all his neighbour princes, and especially with the King of
England, whom for good causes he esteemeth most.
18. “But
now my lords give me leave to use a few words, to remove all scruples
and misunderstandings
between your sovereign and ours,
concerning some late actions; which if they be not cleared, may
perhaps hinder this peace; to the end that for matters past neither
King may conceive unkindness of other, nor think the other conceiveth
unkindness of him. The late actions are two; that of Brittaine, and
that of Flanders. In both which it is true that the subjects’ swords
of both Kings have encountered and stricken and the ways
and
inclinations also of the two Kings in respect of their confederates
and allies have severed.
19. “For
that of Brittaine; the King your sovereign knoweth best what hath
passed. It
was a war of necessity on our master’s part. And
though the motives of it were sharp and piquant as could be, yet did
he make that war rather with an olive-branch than a laurel-branch in
his hand; more desiring peace than victory. Beside from time to time
he sent as it were blank papers to your King, to write the conditions
of peace. For though both his honour and safety went upon it, yet the
thought neither of them too precious to put into the King of
England’s hands. Neither doth our King on the other side make any
unfriendly interpretation of your King’s sending of succours to the
Duke of Brittaine; for the King knoweth well that many things must be
done of Kings for satisfaction of their people; and it is not hard to
discern what is a King’s own. But this matter of Brittaine is now by
the act of God ended and passed; and, as the King hopeth, like the
way of a ship in the sea, without leaving any impression in either of
the King’s minds; as he is sure for his part it hath not done in
his.
20. “For
the action of Flanders; as the former of Brittaine was a war of
necessity, so
this was a war of justice; which with a good King is
of equal necessity with danger of estate; for else he should leave to
be a King. The subjects of Burgundy are subjects in chief to the
crown of France, and their Duke the homager and vassal of France.
They had wont to be good subjects, howsoever Maximilian hath of late
distempered them. They fled to the King for justice and deliverance
from oppression. This was good for Maximilian if he could have seen
it: in people mutinied to arrest fury, and prevent despair. My lords,
it may be this I have said is needless, save that the King our master
is tender in any thing that may but glance upon the friendship of
England. The amity between the two Kings no doubt stands entire and
inviolate. And that their subjects’ swords have clashed, it is nothing
unto the public peace of the crowns; it being a very thing usual in
auxiliary forces of the best and straitest confederates to meet and
draw blood in the field. Nay many times there be aids of the same
nation on both sides, and yet it is not for all that a kingdom
divided in itself.
21. “It
resteth my lords that I impart unto you a matter that I know your
lordships all
will much rejoice to hear; as that which importeth
the Christian commonweal more than any action that hath happened of
long time. The King our master hath a purpose and determination to
make war upon the kingdom of Naples, being now in the possession of a
bastard slip of Arragon; but appertaining unto his majesty by clear
and undoubted right; which if he should not by just arms seek to
recover, he could neither acquit his honour nor answer it to his
people. But his noble and christian thoughts rest not here: for his
resolution and hope is, to make the reconquest of Naples but as a
bridge to transport his forces into Grecia, and not to spare blood or
treasure (if it were to the impawning his crown and dispeopling of
France) till either he hath overthrown the empire of the Ottomans, or
taken it in his way to paradise. The King knoweth well that this is a
design that could not arise in the mind of any King that did not
steadfastly look up unto God, whose quarrel this is, and from whom
cometh both the will and the deed. But yet it is agreeable to the
person that he beareth (though unworthy) of the Thrice Christian
King, and the eldest son of the church; whereunto he is also invited
by the example (in most ancient time) of King Henry the Fourth of
England, (the first renowned King of the House of Lancaster; ancestor
though not progenitor to your King;) who had a purpose towards the
end of this time (as you know better) to make an expedition into the
Holy-land; and by the example also (present before his eyes) of that
honourable and religious war which the King of Spain now maketh and
hath almost brought to perfection, for the recovery of the realm of
Granada from the Moors. And although this enterprise may seem vast
and unmeasured, for the King to attempt that by his own forces,
wherein (heretofore) a conjunction of most of the Christian Princes
hath found work enough; yet his Majesty wisely considereth, that
sometime smaller forced being united under one command are more
effectual in proof (though not so promising in opinion and fame) than
much greater forces variously compounded by associations and leagues,
which commonly in a short time after their beginnings turn to
dissociations and divisions. But my lords that which is as a voice
from heaven that calleth the King to this enterprise, is a rent at
this time in the house of the Ottomans. I do not say but there hath
been brother against brother in that house before, but never any that
refuge to the arms of the Christians, as now hath Gemes (brother
under Bajazet that reigneth,) the far braver man of the two; the
other being between a monk and a philosopher; and better read in the
Alcoran and Avorroes, than able <to> wield the scepter of so
warlike an empire. This therefore is the King our master’s memorable
and heroical resolution for an holy war. And because he carrieth in
this the person of a Christian soldier as well as of a great temporal
monarch, he beginneth with humility; and is content for this cause to
beg peace at the hands of other Christian Kings.
“There
remaineth only rather a civil request than any essential part of our
negotiation, which the King maketh to the King your sovereign. The
King (as all the world knoweth) is lord in chief of the duchy of
Brittaine. The marriage of the heir belongeth to him as guardian.
This is a private patrimonial right, and no business of estate. Yet
nevertheless (to run a fair course with your King, whom he desires to
make another himself, and to be one and the same thing with him,) his
request is, that with the King’s favour and consent he may dispose of
her marriage as he thinketh good, and make void the intruded and
pretended marriage of Maximilian, according to justice. This, my
lords, is all that I have to say, desiring your pardon for my
weakness in the delivery.”
22.
Thus did the French ambassadors, with great shew of their King’s
affection and
many sugared words, seek to addulce [sweeten] all matters between the
two Kings; having two things for their ends; the one to keep the King
quiet till
the marriage of Brittaine was
past (and this was but a summer fruit, which they thought was almost
ripe, and would soon be gathered): The other was more lasting; and
that was to put him into such a temper, as he might be no disturbance
or impediment to the voyage for Italy.
The
lords of the counsel were silent, and said only that they knew the
ambassadors would look for no answer till they had reported to the
King. And so they rose from counsel.
The
King could not well tell what to think of the marriage of Brittaine.
He saw plainly the ambition of the French King was to impatronise
himself of the duchy; but he wondered he would bring into his house a
litigious marriage, especially considering who was his successor. But
weighing one thing with another, he gave Brittaine for lost; but
resolved to make his profit of this business of Britaine, as a
quarrel for war; and of that of Naples, as a wrench and mean for
peace; being well advertised how strongly the King was bent upon that
action. Having therefore conferred divers times with his counsel, and
keeping himself somewhat close, he gave a direction to the Chancellor
for a formal answer to the ambassadors; and that he did in the
presence of his counsel. And after, calling the Chancellor to him
apart, bad him speak in such language as was fit for a treaty that
was to end in a breach; and gave him also a special caveat, that he
should not use any words to discourage the voyage of Italy. Soon
after the ambassadors were sent for to the counsel, and the Lord
Chancellor spake to them in this sort:
23. “My lords ambassadors,
I shall make answer by the King’s
commandment unto the eloquent declaration of you my lord Prior, in a
brief and plain manner. The King forgetteth not his former love and
acquaintance with the King your master. But of this there needeth no
repetition; for if it be between them as it was, it is well; if there
be any alteration, it is not words will make it up. [24.] For
the business of Brittaine, the King findeth it a little strange that
the French King maketh mention of it as matter of well deserving at
his hand. For that deserving was no more but to make him his
instrument to surprise one of his best confederates. And for the
marriage, the King would not meddle in it, if your master would marry
by the book, and not by the sword. [25.] For that of
Flanders, if the subjects of Burgundy had appealed to your King as
their chief lord, at first, by way of supplication, it might have had
a shew of justice. But it was a new form of process, for subjects to
imprison their prince first, and to slay his officers, and then to be
complainants. The King saith that sure he is, when the French King
and himself sent to the subjects of Scotland (that had taken arms
against their King), they both spake in another stile, and did in
princely manner signify their detestation of popular attentates upon
the person or authority <of> Princes. But, my lords
ambassadors, the King leaveth these two actions thus. That on the one
side he hath not received any manner of satisfaction from you
concerning them; and on the other, that he doth not apprehend them so
deeply, as in respect of them to refuse to treat of peace, if other
things may go hand in hand. As for the war of Naples and the design
against the Turk; the
King hath
commanded
me expressly to say, that he doth wish with all his heart to his good
brother
the
French King, that his fortunes may succeed according to his hopes and
honourable intentions: and whensoever he shall hear that he is
prepared for Grecia, — as you master is pleased now to say that the
beggeth a peace of the King, so the King then will beg of him a part
in that war. [26.] But now, my lords ambassadors, I am to
propound to you somewhat on the King’s part. The King your master
hath taught our King what to say and demand. You say (my lord Prior)
that your King is resolved to recover his right to Naples, wrongfully
detained from him; and that if he should not thus do, he could not
acquit his honour, nor answer it to the people. Think my lords that
the King our master saith the same thing over again to you, touching
Normandy, Guienne, Anjou; yea and the kingdom of France itself. I
cannot express it better than in your own words. If therefore the
French King shall consent that the King our master’s title to France
(or at least tribute for the same) be handled in the treaty, the King
is content to go on with the rest, otherwise he refuseth to
treat.”
27.
The ambassadors being somewhat abashed with this demand, answered in
some heat,
that they doubted not but that the King their
sovereign’s sword would be able to maintain his scepter; and they
assured themselves he neither could nor would yield to any diminution
of the crown of France, either in territory or regality. But
howsoever, they were too great matters for them to speak of, having
no commission. It was replied that the King looked for no other
answer from them, but would forthwith send his own ambassadors to the
French King. There was a question also asked at the table: Whether
the French King would agree to have the disposing of the marriage of
Brittaine, with an exception and exclusion that he should not marry
her himself? To which the ambassadors answered, that it was so far
out of their King’s thoughts as they had received no instructions
touching the same. Thus were the ambassadors dismissed, all save the
Prior; and were followed immediately by Thomas Earl of Ormond, and
Thomas Goldenston Prior of Christ-Church in Canterbury, who were
presently sent over into France. In the mean space Lionel Bishop of
Concordia was sent as nuncio from Pope Alexander the Sixth to both
Kings, to move a peace between them. For Pope Alexander, finding
himself pent and locked up by a league and association of the
principal states of Italy, that he could not make his way for the
advancement of his own house (which he immoderately thirsted after),
was desirous to trouble the waters in Italy, that he might fish the
better; casting the net not out of St. Peter’s, but out of Borgia’s
bark. And doubting lest the fears from England might stay the French
King’s voyage into Italy, dispatched this bishop to compose all
matters between these two Kings, if he could: who first repaired to
the French King, and finding him well inclined (as he conceived),
took on his journey towards England, and found the English
ambassadors at Calais on their way towards the French King. After
some conference with them, he was in honourable manner transported
over into England, where he had audience of the King. But
notwithstanding he had a good ominous name to have made a peace,
nothing followed. For in the mean time the purpose of the French King
to marry the Duchess could be no longer dissembled. Wherefore the
English ambassadors (finding how things went) took their leave and
returned. And the Prior also was warned from hence, to depart out of
England. Who when he turned his back, (more like a pedant than an
ambassador) dispersed a bitter libel in Latin verse against the
King; unto which the King (though he had nothing of a pedant)
yet
was content to cause an answer to be made in like verse; and that as
speaking in his own person; but in a stile of scorn and
sport.