1581e

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EREUPON

was Master Thomas Randolph, chief Poastmaster, sent in the beginning of January into Scotland with instructions that for preservation of Religion and amitie with the English hee should leave no meanes unassayed to procure that no violent course might be holden against Morton, that Lenox might be removed out of Scotland, and that the Noblemen of the English faction might be encouraged. Randolph playeth the diligent intercessor of Morton, alleaging the mans deserts towards the King, Queene Elizabeths honour (least shee, to whome the King and Realme was so much bounden, should suffer the repulse in so just a cause), and the malice of his accusers. The King answered that hee could not, in his Kingly office, but subject the man to his triall, being charged with high treason. But the Queenes approved kindnesse hee acknowledged, and would doe nothing (he said) which might any way give her just offence.

2. Randolph having afterwards audience in the assembly of the Estates, reckoned up Queene Elizabeths benefits towards Scotland and towards the King himselfe, namely, that Shee had delivered the Kingdome from the French with expense of the Englishmens blood; that she had defended religion and the King; that she never had so much as a thought of conveighing him away (as is falsely reported), or of seizing upon any Acre of land in Scotland, whereas notwithstanding there wanted not opportunities to have conquered all Scotland, the King wailing in his cradles, his mother being prisoner in England, and the Nobilitie at variance amongst themselves. But contrariwise shee had beene most carefull to preserve the King in safety with his kingdome, who was most neerely allyed unto her in the straightest bandes of blood, neighbourhood, and religion. Of whose love, as also of the love of all the Regents she was most assured, before such time as Aubigny that Duke of Lenox was come into Scotland. For from that time he had exercised a kinde of command over the King, turned his minde from the amity of the English unto the French (who had not yet to this day acknowledged him for King), removed the Kings faithfullest subjects, brought in others lesse faithfull, dealt with foreiners by his letters (which Randolph produced) for the invasion of England, stirred up hatred in the King against the Ministers of Gods word, as turbulent and railing fellowes, and cared not for ministring of justice betwixt the borderers. Which things Queene Elizabeth could not but take very hardly, when she saw a Prince of so great vertue, and most straightly tyed unto her in friendship, alienated and estranged from her by cunning practises. Yet was there nothing then effected, either for Morton, or against Lenox, most men suspecting that the crimes brought against him were false, and the letters counterfeite.

3. Randolph therefore betooke himselfe to other cunning fetches. Amongst Lenox his adversaries and Mortons friends hee bewaileth the unhappie condition of Scotland, layeth before them the dangers that threaten the King, the Common-wealth, and them; complaineth that the Queene of Englands intercession is ungratefully slighted, and privily warneth them to assaye by Armes what they ccould not effect by other meanes, promising both men and money out of England. And certainely he had drawne to his party Argile, Montrosse, Anguse, Mortons brothers sonne, Marre, Glencarne, Ruthuen, Lindsey, and others. But they shortly after disagreeing among themselves, when they saw that the King wholy inclined to favour Lenox and was not terrified with the English forces upon the borders, but had opposed his also against them, most of them reverencing the Royall Majesty, even in his young years, attempted nothing against Lenox, and thought it enough to pitty Morton. Yet Anguse and Marre continued their secret practises with Randolph for Morton and against Lenox. Whereof when the King was advertised by Wittingham, Anguse was commanded to withdraw himselfe beyond the river Spey, and Marre forthwith to render up Sterlyn Castle into the Kings hands. Randolph doubting the worst, retired secretly to Barwicke, and warned Anguse and Marre, matters being now growne desperate, to shift for themselves, either by procuring the King’s favour, or flying to the protection of the Queene of England. And now were the English forces calld home from the borders; and not long after was Morton found accessary to the murder of the Kings father, and beheaded. For hee confessed (as they reported) that Bothwell and Archibald Douglasse acquainted him with the plott for making away the King, and that hee in so dangerous a time durst not reveale it. And hee could not denie but that after the murder committed, hee held Douglasse who murdered the King amongst his inwardest friends, and that hee had given his faith under his hand to defend Bothwell if any man should accuse him of the murther of the King. Anguse and the others which favored Morton fled presently into England.

4. In the Low-country Provinces, the confederate Estates sent Colonell Norris with the English and other forces against the Count of Reneberg, who proceeding with a full course of victories for the Spaniard, straightly beleaguered Steenwick a towne of Frisland. But Norris manfully and happilie victualled the towne once, and againe the second time, put Reneberg’s men to flight, and raised the siege. But afterwards joyning battaile with Verdugo a Spanyard at Northorne, when the victory was now in his owne handes, the enemies troope being defeated by Sir Roger Williams, the chaunce of warre turned, he himselfe was hurt, and many slaine; and amongst them (to passe over others) Cotton, Fitz-Williams and Bishop, stout captaines. How captaine Thomas an Albanois challenged at this time Generall Norris to a single combat, and Sir Roger Williams his Lieutenant accepted the challenge (for that he being Genereall might not doe it by the law of Armes), I know not whether it be worth the mentioning, considering that after they had bickered together a little while in the view of both Armies, and neither of them hurt, they dranke a carowse, and so parted friends. Yet this is not to be omitted that the English, which of all the Northerne nations had beene the least drinkers and most commended for their sobriety, learned by these Netherland warres to drowne themselves with immoderate drinking, and by drinking to others healths, to impaire their owne. And ever since, the vice of drunkennesse hath so spread it selfe over the whole nation, that in our dayes came forth the first restraint thereof by severity of lawes.

5. While the Estates and the Spaniard contended in the Netherlands for petty townes, the Spanyard seized into his hands the rich Kingdome of Portugall. For Henry King of Portugall deceassed the last yeere in his old age, and many Competitors layed claime to the Crowne, and amongst them Philip King of Spaine, King Henry’s eldest Sisters sonne, if not in right, yet in might the stronger. And yet not without a shew of right; for of all the Competitors he was nearest of kinne to the the deceassed King, and of the male sexe, and therefore (as he had his thought) to be preferred in the succession of the Crowne, before the females being younger, and of kyndred more remote. Excluding the Savoyard because hee was borne of the younger sister; and also Rainutio Farneze the Prince of Parma’s sonne, who was borne of the eldest daughter of Edward King Henry’s brother; and Catharine Bracantia the other daughter of the same Edward, for that they grounded their title onely upon the benefit of a Representation. Which being no other than a fiction, the Spanyards held that it could not overthrow the truth. But Don Antonio Prior of Crato, the sonne of Lodovic another brother of King Henry, was utterly rejected as illegitimate. Neverthelesse the Spanyard propounded these things once and againe the second time, to be discussed both by Divines and Lawyers. And when they all with one mouth affirmed his title to bee good, hee sent the Duke of Alva, invaded the kingdome, put Don Antonio to flight, who was elected by the people, and in 70 dayes subdued all Portugall. But the title which Catharine de Medices Queene of France layed to Portugall, derived from Alphonsus the third by the Earles of Bononia above 320 yeares before, was in a manner exploded both by the Spanyards and Portugalls as an outworne title drawne from the mother of Evander, and injurious to so many Kings of Portugall ever since, as unjust possessors. Whereat shee being moved with anger, and beholding with an envious eye the increasing power of the Spanyard, so farre and wide already extended, and inriched with the addition of Portugall, East India, and many isles; and mis-doubting her selfe and her posteritie, warned both other Princes and Queene Elizabeth also to curbe his ambition betimes, and restraine his too farre extending power within some reasonable limits. And indeed Queene Elizabeth, being providently carefull for her selfe and her subjects, willingly harkned unto her, foreseeing how dangerous might be the over-swelling power of her neighbour Princes. But for Don Antonio, who was driven out of Portugall into France, and from thence sent over with commendations into England, she bountifully relieved him; which shee thought would bee without offence, considering that shee acknowledged him her kinsman, descended of the blood royall of England, and of the house of Lancaster, and there was never any proviso made in any league betwixt the Spanyards and the English that the Portugalls should not be received into England.

6. And withall the said Queene of France, and the King her sonne, for a foundation of great amity with Queene Elizabeth, prosecuted more earnestly then heeretofore the marriage with her sonne the Duke of Anjou. For the procuring whereof there were sent into England in a very honorable Embassage, Francis of Burbon Prince of Delphine, Arthur Cosse Earle of Segondigny, Marshall of France, Lewis Lusignon Saint Gelasi, Seigneur of Lansac, Tangerge Venator Corconge, Bertrand Salignac a Mota-Fenellon, Michael a Chasteu-neuf Signeur Mauvaisier, Bernard Brison a Granela President of the Parliament of Paris (a principall man of learning), Claude Pinarte first Baron of Valoys, Piere Clause Seigneur of Curats and Marchemont, and Jaques Vray Secretary of the Duke of Anjou’s treasurie. These most honorable men were as honorably intertained, and banquetted in a large house suddenly built up at Westminster for this use and royally furnished, and were delighted with tiltings performed with great expense by Philip Earle of Arundell, Frederic Lord Windsore, Sir Philip Sidney, and Sir Fulke Grevil, challengers against all men; to say nothing of other Courtlie sports not proper for an historiographer to relate.

7. The Commissioners appointed to conferre with them about the marriage were William Cecyl Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England, Edward Clinton Earle of Lincolne Lord Admirall of England, Thomas Ratcliffe Earle of Sussex, Francis Russell Earle of Bedford, Robert Dudley Earle of Leicester, Sir Christopher Hattton, and Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary. Betwixt these Commissioners covenants were agreed upon specified the matrimoniall writings in such words as follow:

8. The Duke of Anjou and the Queene of England shall within Sixe weekes after the ratifying of these covenants contract marriage de praesenti in England.

The Duke and his, so they bee not native subjects of England, may freely exercise their religion in some place appoynted within his house without impeachment.
He shall alter nothing in the Religion now received in England.
After the mariage consummated, he shall enjoy the title and honour of a King, but shall leave the disposing of matters full and whole to the Queene.
Whereas he hath demanded that presently after the marriage hee may bee crowned King, and enjoy that honour as well while the marriage subsisteth, as when it is dissolved, during his government of the Kingdome in the minority of their children, the Queene promiseth to propound his petition to the Estates of the Realme in the first Parliament, which shee will call within fifteen daies after the ratification and to further it all shee can.
Letters patents etc. shall runne in both their names, as in the time of Philip and Mary.
The Queene shall assigne a yearly pension to the Duke by authority of Parliament; but how great that shall bee, shall bee left to her pleasure; and shee shall procure the Parliament to assigne unto him a very good summe of money yearely, if he survive the Queene.
He shalt make the Queene a dowry to the yearly value of forty thousand crownes of the summe, out of his Dukedome of Berry, and shall presently put her in possession thereof.
What shall bee concluded concerning the children in the Parliament of England, shall bee enacted in the Parliament of France, after this manner.
The males or females shall succeeded to their mothers inheritance of England.
If there be two males, the eldest shall succeeded in the kingdome of France, and the second his mothers inheritance.
If there be one male, if he come to both Crownes, hee shall reside in England eight moneths in every two yeares.
And if the Duke come not to the title of the Kingdome of France, their children shall succeede in his Appenage.
If hee overlive the Queene, hee shall have the tutorship of the children, if the males bee not above eighteene yeares of age, and the females fifteene.
If the Duke dyed before, their tutorship shall be left to the authority of the Parliament.
The Duke shall preferre no forreiner to any office in England.
He shall alter nothing in the law, but shall preserve all Customes.
He shall not conveigh the Queene nor her children without the confines of the realme of England, but by her consent and the consent of the Peeres of the Realme.
If the Queene die leaving no children, the Duke shall claime no propriety in the Kingdome of England.
He hall not transport the Regall Jewells out of the Realme.
He shall cause all the places and Kingdomes to bee kept by native English men, and shall not remove from thence any warlike munition.
He shall not engage England in any forreine warre.
He shall have a care of the peace betwixt England and other kingdomes.
The Queene onely shall beare the superiority, without all title which may accrew unto the Duke, as Tenant by the Custome of England.
The Duke intendeth not by this mariage to prejuice his title in the succession of the Crowne of France.
This present contract shall be read, proclaimed, and recorded in all the Courts of France and England after sixe moneths from the day of marriage, with the authority of the most Christian King conjoyned for the ratification of these articles.
9. There shall bee a treaty apart concerning a confederacy of league betwixt England and France.
All these things shall be ratified within two moneths on the French Kings part upon faith and oath for him and his heires, etc. And as soone as may be he shall deliver writings of ratification, by which assurance shall be given that the things heere concluded shall be observed bona fide.

A Reservation was added apart by it selfe, signed with the hands of all the Commissioners, in these words, But Queene Elizabeth is not bound to consummate the marriage untill she and the Duke shal clearly satisfie one another in certaine points, and shall thereof notifie the French King in writing within six weekes.

10. Before such time as those six weekes were expired, John Somers Clarke of the Counsell was sent into France about this matter. The King refuseth to heare him, urgeth that the marriage already contracted may be solemnized out of hand, and that now there remaineth nothing else behind. Somers sheweth to the contrary by the writings that there was first a league defensive and offensive to be entred into; the French King denieth it. Walsingham is dispatched to compound these differences, who joyntly with Henry Lord Cobham Embassadour Legier in France, and Somers, was to informe him of these things following, and such like:

11. That although the vulgar sort of men hardly construed the prolonging of the marriage, yet did Queene Elizabeth incline to mariage with no other intent then to satisfie her people, who importunately perswaded her to marry, to the end to establish the succession assuredly in her children. And the Duke of Anjou,who wooed her for marriage, shee worthily preferred before all others in her love, for his vertue, and the honour of his royall descent; which love shee still professeth to bee very great towards him. Neverthelesse shee holdeth backe her assent in contracting of marriage, till shee may perceave it to be a thing pleasing to her people, least shee might seeme to repent too late. For many impediments occurred in the meane time, namely the civill warre in France, the Duke of Anjou’s afflicted estate, which had without desert lost the King’s favour. In England the mindes of all the best men were averse from such a marriage; so as it hath hereupon beene delayed so long, whereas notwithstanding the Queenes love was still constant towards him. That the French King urged the consummation of the marriage unseasonably, in praesentiarum, when warre was now undertaken by the Duke of Anjou against the Spanyard, which he could not give over without blott to his honour, and losse to both Kingdomes of England and France, and the utter undoing of the Netherlands, the Spanyards power daily increasing too much. Moreover whereas the people of England desired nothing more then that by this marriage the realme might be kept in peacable tranquility, it would bee precipitate from a most joyfull peace into a most dangereous warre, considering that the Queene must needs be ingaged in her husbands warre. Wherefore shee would have no more treating of the marriage till the Duke of Anjou were cleared from the warre he had undertaken, and the League of mutuall Defence and Offence were concluded betwixt England and France. Which certainely Queene Elizabeth desired above all things. The French King promised to enter gladly into a league of Defence, but as for a League Offensive, he flatly refused to heare any more thereof before the marriage were solemnized.

12. Not long after, the Duke of Anjou came himselfe into England (who was designed Governour of the Netherlands by the Estates) after he had by the helpe of Queene Elizabeths money happily raised the siege of Cambray. For she had privily supplyed a great summe of money by Henry Seymore, Pallavicine, and Bext a Frenchman. Hee hoped assuredly that, if he did not in presence consummate the marriage, yet at leastwise he should effect that being supported by Queene Elizabeths favour he should be the more welcome to the Netherlanders, who honoured her as their tutelary Saint. He was received with the greatest curtesie he could hope for, and no arguments there were of honour and love which shee did not shew him to the full. In so much as in the moneth of November, as soone as shee had with great pompe celebrated her coronation day, the force of modest love amongst amorous talke carried her so farre that shee drew off a ring from her finger and put it upon the Duke of Anjou’s, upon certaine conditions betwixt them two. The standers by tooke it that the marriage was now contracted by promise; among whom Aldegond governour of the Citty of Antwerpe, sent letters presently into the Netherlands, signifying as much. And Antwerpe witnessed her publique joy with bonfires and peales of Ordinance. At home the Courtiers minds were diversely affected, some leaped for joy, some were astonished, and some were cast downe with sorrow. Leicester, who had begunne to enter into a secret conspiracie to crosse the marriage, Hatton Vice-Chamberline, and Walsingham, fretted as if the Queene, the Realme, and Religion were now undone. The Queenes women with whom shee was familiar wailed, and by laying terrors befor her did so vexe her minde with anguish, that she spent the night in doubtfull care without sleepe amongst her women which did nothing but weepe. The next day shee sent for the Duke of Anjou, and they two, all standers by being removed, had long talke together. He at length withdrawing himselfe to his Chamber, cast the ring from him, and soone tooke it againe, taxing with one or two quippes the lightnesse of women, and the inconstancy of Ilanders.

13. The Queene cast in her troubled mind the things which shee had heard of Burghley and Sussex; that unlesse she married the Duke of Anjou, the League of offence could not be hoped for from the French King; that shee alone was too weake to withstand the greatnesse of the Spaniard, who tendring his daughter in marriage to the King of Scots, would easily draw to the Scottish King’s party all the Papists in England, all the fugitives, all the rebels, all that were weary of the present government, and all men of crack’t credit, of whom there was in all places a great number. That the hope of good men which trusted upon the Queenes issue by this marriage would be frustrate, who now neglecting her, would cast their eyes upon some of the Competitors. Besides, shee her selfe could not but incurre very great displeasure with the French King and the Duke of Anjou, who having spent so long time in so many consultations, sent such honorable Embassies, and disbursed so much money, would take it very hardly to be deluded, howsoever they might by dissembling cover their displeasure for their owne advantage in procuring either present money for the Duke of Anjou towards the Low-Country warres, or a yearly pension for the time to come. And no lesse scruple stucke in her minde, if the Duke of Anjou being neglected, should take a wife out of Spaine (which some whispered in her eares). For then shee presaged that danger would threaten both from France, and from Spaine also.

14. Amongst these most perplexed cogitations of marriage, into which the consideration of the times had out of a certaine necessitie often times cast her, some were of opinion that shee was fully resolved in minde that shee might better provide both for the Common-wealth and her own glory by an ummarried life then by mariage. Foreseeing that if shee married a subject, shee should draw dishonour upon her selfe by disparagement, and give fire to Domesticall grudges and commotions; and if a stranger, shee should subject both her selfe and her people under a forreine yoake, and endanger Religion. Not forgetting how unhappy had beene the marriage of her sister Queene Mary with King Philip a forreiner; and how unluckye that marriage of her great grandfather Edward the fourth, who was the first of all the Kings of England since the Norman conquest which had taken his subject to wife. Her glory also, which being unmarried remained to her selfe whole and unblemished, shee feared would by marriage bee ascribed to her husband. And besides, the perills by conception and child-bearing, objected by the Phisitians and her women out of hidden causes, which many times strucke in her mind, did very much terrifie her from marrying.

15. Her minde also was vexed with a booke which came forth, written against the marriage with a stinking stile (out of feare least Religion should be changed) entituled The gulph wherein England will bee swallowed by the French marriage. In which booke those of the Councell which favoured the marriage are taxed as ungratefull to their Prince and Country; the Queene her selfe is glanced at as unlike her selfe, amongst sundry flattering speeches; the Duke of Anjou is galled with unworthy reproaches, the French nation odiously defamed, and the marriage it selfe in regard of the difference of Religion (as of the daughter of God with the sonne of Anti-Christ) with virulent words condemned, as prophane, dangerous to the Church, and pernitious to the Common-wealth, and this out of the holy Scripture miserably wrested. Neither would the Queene be perswaded that the author of this booke had any other intent then to stirre up the hatred of her subjects against her (who had alwaies no lesse regard of the love of her people, then shee had of ther owne authoritie and, as Princes use to doe, directed her chiefe care to her fame), and to open privily a gap to some prodigious innovation; considering that the writer had not used so much as one word towards securing the Queene and realme and diverting of dangers; and the Estates of the Realme had before already with all earnestnesse besought her to marry, as the most assured remedy against the imminent perills. These things she declared by open Proclamation, wherein condemning the author of the booke as a publisher of sedition, shee highly commended the Duke of Anjous’ good affection towards her and the Protestants religion, sorrowed that so great an injury was offered to so high a Prince, and one that hadwell deserved, who had required nothing to be altered either in Common-wealth or Religion; and withall she commended Simier the Duke of Anjou’s Agent for his wisedome and modesty, who some had loden with calumniations. And she warned the people that the sayd booke was nothing else but a fiction of traitors to raise envie abroad, and sedition at home; and commanded it to be burnt before the magistrates face.

16. From this time shee began to be a little more incensed against the Puritans or Innovators, from whom she easily beleved that these things proceeded. And indeed within a few dayes after, John Stubbs of Lincolnes Inne, a fervent professor of religion (whose sister Thomas Cartwright a ringleader amongst the Puritans had maried), the author of this booke, William Page who dispersed the copies, and Singleton the Printer were apprehended. Against these sentence was given that their right hands should be cutt off according to an act of Philip and Mary, against the Authors and sowers of seditious writings; though some Lawyers murmured that the sentence was erroneous and voyd by reason of a false noting of the time wherein the law was made, and that the Act was temporary, and dyed with Queene Mary. Of whom Dalton, who often spake it openly, was committed to the Tower; and Monson a Judge in the court of common pleas, was with sharpe words so shaken up that he gave over his place, forasmuch as Wray Lord Chiefe Justice of England shewed that there was no mistaking in the noting of the time, and proved by the wordes of the Act, that the Act was made against those which should violate the king by seditious writings, and that the king of England never dyeth; yea, that the Act was renewed anno primo Elizabethae, during the life of her and the heires of her body. Hereby had Stubbs and Page their right handes cutt off with a cleaver driven through the wrist with the force of a beetle [mallet], uppon a scaffold in the market place at Westminster. The Printer was pardoned. I remember (being present thereat) that when Stubbs, having his right hand cutt off, put off his hatt with his left, and sayd with a loud voyce, God save the Queene, the multitude standing about was altogether silent, either out of horror of this new and unwonted punishment, or else out of pitty towards the man being of most honest and unblameable report, or else out of hatred of the marriage, which most men presaged would be the overthrow of Religion.

17. These things were done presently after the Duke of Anjou’s comming into England. Now whilest hee abode heere the Queene to take away the feare which had possessed many mens mindes that Religion would be altered and Popery tollerated, being overcome by importunate suite, permitted that Edmund Campian aforesaid, of the society of Jesus, Ralph Sherwin, Luke Kirby, and Alexander Briant Priests, should bee arraigned; who being indited according to the Act of Treason of the twenty fift of Edward the third, and charged that they had compassed and imagined the destruction of the Queene and Realme, adhered to the Bishop of Rome the Queenes enemie, and had come into England to disturbe the quiet state of that Realm, and to gather forces, were condemned to dye, and whereas they obstinately defended the Popes authority against the Queene, were executed. For Campian after he was condemnded, being asked, first whether Queene Elizabeth were a lawfull and rightfull Queene, refused to answer; then, whether hee would take part with the Queene or the Pope if hee should send forces against the Queene, he openly professed and testified under his hand that hee would stand for the Pope. Afterwards some others also were executed for the same causes, whereas in full ten yeares after the rebellion there had been no more than five Papists put to death. But these things I leave to the writer of the Ecclesiasticall historie. Yet let me by his leave note heere summarily a few things which are conjoyned with matters of the Common-wealth. Such certainely were these times that the Queene (who never thought mens consciences were to bee forced) complained many times that shee was driven of necessity to take these courses unlesse shee would see the destruction of her selfe and her subjects under colour of conscience and the Catholike Religion. Yet for the most part of these silly Priests, shee did not believe them to be guilty of praticising the destruction of their Country. But those superiors were they whom shee held to bee the instruments of this foule crime, forsomuch as they which were sent, committed the full and free disposure of themelves to their superiors. For when which were now and afterwards taken, were asked, Whether by authority of the Bull of Pius Quintus Bishop of Rome, the subjects were absolved from their oath of alleagance towards the Queene, in such sort that they might take armes against their Prince; Whether they thought her to bee lawfull Queene; Whether they would subscribe to Sander’s and Bristow’s opinion of the authority of that Bull; Whether if the Bishop of Rome should move warre agains tthe Queene, they would joyne with her or him, they answered some of them so ambiguously, some so stoutly, and some by prevarication or silence shifted off the questions in such sort that some ingenuous Cathoilikes beganne to suspect they fostered some treachery; and John Bishop, a man devoted to the Bishop of Rome, wrote against them and soundly proved that the Constitution of the Lateran Counell abtruded under that name, uppon which the whole authority of obsolving subjects from their alleageance, and deposing Princes is founded, is no other then a decree of Pope Innocent the third, and was never admitted in England. Yea, that the sayd Councell was no councell at all, nor was any thing at all there decreed by the Fathers.

18. Suspitions also were raised more and more by the great number of Priests creeping dayly more and more into England, who privily felt mens mindes, spread abroad that Princes excommunicate were to be deposed, and whispered in corners that such Princes as professed not the Romish religion had forfeited their title

and regall authority, that those men which had entred into holy orders were by a certaine ecclesiasticall freedom exempted from all jurisdiction of Princes and not bound by their lawes, nor ought to reverence their Majesty; and that the Bishop of Rome hath supreme authority and most full power over the whole world, yea even in temporall matters, and that the magistrates of England were no lawfull Magistrates, and therefore not to be accoumpted for Magistrates; yea, that all things whatsoever were done by the Queenes authority from the time that the Bull declaratory of Pius Quintus was published, were by the lawes of God and man altogether voyd and to be esteemed as nothing. And some of them dissembled not that they were returned into England with no other intent then by reconciling in Confession to absolve every one in particular from all oath of alleagiance and obedience to the Queene, like as the said Bull did absolve them at once in generall. And this seemed the easier to be effected for that they promised withall absolution from all mortall sinne; and the safer because it was performed more closely, and under the Seale of Confession.

HESE

things and the like extorted from the Estates of the Realme which were assembled in the moneth of January at Westminster new and more severe Lawes against the Papists, wherein They are declared guilty of high treason, whosoever shall disswade the subjects from their obedience to their Prince and from the Religion established in England, or shall reconcile them with the Church of Rome; and those also which shall be so disswaded or reconciled. Those also which shall say Masse are fined in 200 markes and imprisonment for a yeare, and longer till they have payed the money; they which shall wittingly and willingly be present at Masse are fined in 100 Markes and imprisonment likewise for a yeare, and they which refuse to goe to the divine Services of their Parish Churches are fined in 20 pounds a month. Which the Papists cryed out was unjustly interpreted of Lunary moneths, who had hitherto redeemed their absence upon Sundaies and holidays for a shilling to the use of the poore. But these things let the Ecclesiasticall historiographer prosecute more at large.

2. The Duke of Anjou, after hee had stayed in England full three Moneths, began his journey towards the Netherlands in the moneth of February. The Queene herselfe, to doe him honour, accompanied him as farre as Canterbury, and commanded the Earle of Leicester, Charles Howard, Hunsdon, Willoughby, Windsor, and Shefflield Barons, Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Russell, Sir George Bourchier, and some other most noble Knights to accompany him as farre as Andwerpe; where he was inaugurate Duke of Brabant, Limburgh, Loraine, etc. For the Estates of the confederate Netherlands had before already pronounced that the Spanyard had forfeited his Principality by violating their Lawes, broken his Seales, throwne down his Armes in all places, and absolved the people from their oath of allegeance in such sort as it should be free for them to choose them another Prince. The Duke granted the exercise of the Romish Religion to all that would sweare alleageance unto him and abjure the Spanyard. Then he buckled himselfe to the warre, lost Aldenard, tooke Alost. Sixe hundred English under the leading of Thomas Norrys, Barney, Cornish, and Gibson fled from him to the Spanyardes, laying the cause upon the imperious severity of Norris; who being exposed to all dangers and most contemptuously used, suffered condigne punishment for their treacherie, with late repentance and infinite miseries. Neverthelesse Norris with 300 horse and the rest of his companies gained singular commendations amongst all men for his fortitude and militarie skill, by receaving valiantly the Prince of Parma who furiously charged him with greater forces, and making an advised retreate to the walles of Gaunt, while Anjou and the Prince of Aurange from the walles admired his martiall valour. But what doe I stay upon these things?

The Duke of Anjou when he had spent in the Netherlands a great masse of mony supplyed out of England, and that with no successe, and found that there were bestowed on him bare and idle titles onely, and that the government and managing of matters rested in the Estates hands, attempted with a rash designe to force Andwerpe and other Cities, but all in vaine, and not with out losse of his owne men; and shortly after left the Netherlands with dishonour.

3. Let it suffice to mention in a word onely a comet or blasing starre, seene in the moneth of May in the 12. degree of Gemini, neere the starre called The little goate, with a radiant taile streaming above and beyond the right shoulder of Ericthonius; and an hideous tempest in Norfolke, with much lightening, thunder, impetuous force of windes, and a most thicke showre of hailestones of three inches in thicknesse, and fashioned like the rowells of spurres.

4. Queene Elizabeth to strengthen her selfe abroad against the Spaniard, whom shee knew to be exasperated by the supply of mony sent to the Duke of Anjou, chose Frederic the second, King of Denmarke, whom long since shee held most deere, into the society of the Order of Saint George, and sent unto him to invest him with the ensignes of that Order Peregrine Berty, who shee, being very sparing in bestowing of honors, had hardly admitted into the honor of Baron Willoughby of Eresby before such time as he had given proofe of his vertue, albeit his mother were the only daughter of the Dutchesse Suffolke and heire to the Lord Willoughby. The king of Denmkarke gladly suffered the chaine or coller of Roses to be put about his necke, and the garter to be tyed about his legge; the rest of the ensignes he received to lay up, but denyed to put them on, because they were outlandish; and to take the oath the absolutely refused, for that he had done the same before when hee was admitted by the French King into the Order of Saint Michael. Whilest Willoughby remained in Denmarke, he propounded to the King the complaints of the English Merchants. For they complained grievously that the customes were too much increased, whereas in times past they payed in passing the Danish straight or Sound but for every shippe a Rose noble, that is, the fourth part of an ownce of gold, and as much for their lading or marchandies, with some small moneyes towards fires by night to direct their course, and barrells to shew the shelfes and rockes. He dealt with him also in behalfe of the Merchantes, to release the payment of Lastgelt, whereby was exacted the thirtieth part of all their merchandies by way of borrowing during the heate of the warre between the Kings of Denmarke and Swethelande [Sweden], which promise to repay it when the warre was ended. But these things, as being matters of great weight, were put off to another time. For scarce do Princes ever release their Customes which they have once raised, who judge that such royalties (as they call them) do belong to the priviledge and liberty of every Kingdome, and are not subject to any forraine moderation.

5. Queene Elizabeth also for her more security at home, proposed to compound the matter with the Queene of Scots by Sir Walter Myldmay. But finding that the Duke of Guise plotted secret designes with certaine English fugitives for her delivery, and leavied forces under colour that they should serve under the Duke of Anjou in the Low-countries, but indeede to be set over into England from Aui or Eiw an obscure port towne in Normandy belonging to the Duke of Guise (whereof the French King gave her first notice, and out of his love toward Queene Elizabeth crossed it) the matter was put off to another time, and shee was neglected.

6. But yet to prevent the Duke of Guise his attempts in Scotland, who was thought to abuse Lenox his mediation to avert the King of Scottes from the English, William Reuthuen, whom the King had very lately created Earle of Goury, raised some troubles. This William, not to degenerate from his father, who beare a deadly hatred against the Kings mother, with other conspirators employed all their wittes to remove Lenox and Arran from the King under colour to provide for religion, the Kings security, and the amity with England. And this was their devise: Lenox who was made Chamberlaine of Scotland, is perswaded to exercise with rigor the outworne jurisdiction of Chamberlaine; and this to no other intent then that he might unwittingly procure himself hatred amongst the multitude; that the Ministers of Gods word should kindle the same by declaiming against him out of the Pulpit as a Papist, a Guisian, and a rigorous executor of this authority, and should openly fortell his destruction. When Lenox therefore was gone from Perth (where the King then laye) to Edenburgh to exercise his sayd jurisdiction, and Arran was out of the way, Goury, Marr, Lindsey, and others, taking the opportunity, invited the King to Ruthuen castle, and there detained him against his will, not suffering him to walke abroad for feare of some danger. All this faithfullest servants they removed from him, Arran they carried to prison, and constrained the King to call home the Earle of Anguse from banishment (and this at the intercession of the Queene of England, who was not unacquainted with their plot), to send back Lenox into France;

who being a man of a most mild spirit, did for the publique quiet render up Dunbritton, which hee might easily have defended, and refused not to returne into France, and this he did at the King’s perswasion who was drawne thereto by their constraint. And not content with all this, they compelled the King against his will to approve of this intercepting of him by his letters to the Queene of England, and to decree an assembly of the Estates summoned by them to be just. Yet could they not induce Buchanan to approve of this fact either by writing, or perswasion by message; who now sorrowfully lamented that he had already undertaken the cause of factious people against their Princes, and soone after dyed. A man borne, has he hath testified himselfe in verse, nec coelo, nec solo, nec seculo erudito, that is, Neither in a climate, nor Country, nor age that was learned; yet happily hee mounted to the highest top of the Poeticall faculty, so as hee may worthily bee esteemed the Prince of Poets of this age.

7. When the French King had sure intelligence hereof, he dispatched away Mota-Fenellon through England, and Manninguille by sea into Scotland, with one and the same instructions, to weet, that they should take some counsel

for delivering the King by some meanes or other, that they should confirme the French faction, allure the King’s minde to the amity of the French, and signifie unto him with congratulation that the Queene his Mother out of her motherly piety, granted him the royall title, and now most willingly admitted him into the society of the kingdome, to weete, that he should bee acknowledged for true and lawfull king by the Princes of Christendome, and all the Scots, and all factions should be taken away. The Queene of Scotts in the meane time with a minde full of care and doubt, being oppressed with miseries, and languishing with the calamity of long imprisonment without all hope of her liberty, bewailed to Queene Elizabeth her heavie fate and the most afflicted estate of her sonne, in a long lettter written in French, which her motherly love and anguish of minde wrung from her, to this purpose, as I have abbreviated the same out of the very originall.

8. Whereas I have beene certainely advertised that my sonne is intercepted by rebels, as I myselfe also was some yeares since, I cannot but out of a just feare least he should undergoe the same common condition of infelicity with mee, make my woefull complaints, and imprint the same (if it may be) in your conscience that my innocency may be made knowne to posterity, and their ignominy through whose unjust dealing I am most unworthily cast into these miseries. But seeing their cunning practices and devises (though never so wicked) have hitherto prevailed more with you then my most just complaints, and your might may overcome right, and force may oppresse truth amongst men, I will appeale to the everliving God, in whome onely I acknowledge a power and dominion over us that are Princes of equall jurisdiction and honour. And upon him will I call (with whom there will be no place for colour nor fraude) that in the last day he will reward us according to our deserts one towards another, howsoever my adversaries know how to cover their guilefull dealings before men (and haply before you). In his name therefore, and as it were before his Tribunall seate, I call to your remembrance by what cunning dealing some which were sent forth in your name drew the Scots my subjects into rebellion against mee whilest I lived in Scotland, and raised all the mischiefes which have happened there ever since. Which (to omit other proofes) is certainely knowne by testimonies produced, and by confession out of Mortons owne mouth, who was in that respect advanced to honours. Against whom if I had proceeded according to right, and you hand not ayded my rebels, they could not have stood long against mee and mine.

9. While I was kept in prison at Loch Levin, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton was a meanes to persuade me in your nameto set my hands to a writing resigning the kingdome (which writing he affirmed would be voyd, and so the whole world hath holden it), until you assisted the authors of the sayd writing with your ready favour and an armed power. And speake bona fide, would you acknowledge such authority and power of your subjects over you? Yet thereby was my Regall authority taken from me by your advise and assistance, and my Kingdome translated to my sonne being in respect of his age incapable thereof, and when I my selfe was not long since determined to confirme the Kindgome upon him lawfully, he was forcibly seized on by certaine traitors, who without question purposed to despoile him (as they had done me) of the kingdome, if not of life also. After I had made an escape out of Loch Levin, and was now ready to give the rebels battaile, I craved your ayd, sending backe the diamond which I had before receieved from you in pledge of your love with large promises of assistance against the rebels, time after time, giving me also your faithfull word that if I would betake myselfe to you, you would come to the border and helpe me in person. I relying upon this your promise so often iterated, though yours had many times deteined me with words, resolved to flye unto you in mine adversity as to a sacred anchor. And certainely so I had done, had I found as easie accesse as my rebels against me have alwaies had. But before I could come unto you, I was intercepted,guarded with keepers, shut up in strong holdes, and have ever since endured afflictions more grievous then death it selfe.

10. You will object unto me (I know) that which passed betwixt me and the Duke of Norfolke; yet I denie that was prejudiciall to you or your Kingdome. For it was approved by the chiefe Counsailours of the Realme of England, and confirmed by their subscriptions which may be produced, who also assuredly promised your assent. And how (I pray you) could so great men promise your assent to that which would deprive you of life, honour, and diademe? Yet would you have these things believed of all men.

11. But when some of my said rebels repented them too late, and perceived more fullie by the conference betweene our Delegates at Yorke, how injuriously I was dealt withall, they were presentlie besieged with your forces in the Castell of Edinburgh, and of the chiefe of them, who were miserabliy ridd of their lives, the one by poyson, the other by the Gallowes.

And then, after I had at your request cause them once and againe the second time to lay downe armes in hope of peace, which God knoweth whether ever my adversaries intended.

12. From that time I was determined with my selfe to trie whether I could by patience mitigate rigor, by bearing all things which were layed upon a captive Queene; yet was I now all this yeare quite barred from all conference with my sonne either by Letter or messengers

<that>, if it were possible, the Sonne might be rent from his mother by most wofull alienation of mindes.

13. Conditions of peace and concord to bee made betwixt us I have often propounded at Chatesworth Eleven yeares agone with your Delegate; and with your selfe I dealt sincerelie by the Embassadours of the most Christian King and mine, and the last Winter by Beale. But those conditions have been alwaies rejected, delaies sought and interposed, my counsailes suspected, and all the sincere affection of my mind ever condemned. And of my long patience I have reaped no other fruit then that by a certain prescription it grew to a custome that I was every day more roughlie handled then other. These things surely I shall be no longer able to endure; and howsoever it fall out, if I die, I will manifest the authors of my death; and if I live, I will cause (I hope) all wicked practises and calumniations against me to dye, that I may passe the rest of my life in greater tranquillity.

14. Wherefore, to take away all displeasure betwixt us, let the testimonies of the Spanyards that were lately taken prisoners in Ireland bee produced against me, let the examinations of the Jesuites be brought forth, let every man have liberty to accuse me publickely, so as I in like sort may have liberty granted me to defend myselfe and be not condemned unheard. The basest malefactors and prisoners are allowed their defence, and their accusers brought before them face to face. And why am I so dealt withall, which am a Queene anointed, in bloud nearely alied unto you, and after you the lawfull heire to the Crowne? But this last is that which above all things vexeth and galleth my adversaries who labour to set us two at variance. Alasse, there is no cause why this should trouble them. I call God and mine honour to witnesse that I have this long time given thought of no other Kingdome then that of Heaven. Yet are they bound in concience, you are tyed in regard of your office and justice, not to interupt my sonnes most undoubted title after my death; nor further the secret practises of those, which have in England Scotland doe labour to with <tooth> and naile the destruction of me and my sonne. As is more then too apparent by the instructions of your messengers in Scotland, who have dealt most seditiously, unknown to you no doubt, but diligently bestirred by Huntington.

15. Is this reason that I being a mother should be prohibited, not onely to console my oppressed sonne, but even to understand also in what state he is? If theose messengers had beene sent for my sonnes good, haply if they had used my advise, they might have beene more welcome to him for my sake, certainely you had bound me the more straightly to you. Neither was there cause why you should so greatly conceale their going, or quite take from mee at that time all liberty. Yet, to speake freely, I beseech you to employ no more such Ministers in Scottish matters. For though Cary (I think) would undertake nothing unworthy himselfe and his honour, yet can I promise my selfe no good of Huntington by reason of his bad deserts towards me.

16. By the most neere kindred therefore betwixt us I do earnestly intreate you to have a esrious care of my sonnes safety, to intermeddle no more in Scottish matters without acqainting me or the French King, and to hold those for no other then traitors which detaine my sonne in custody and constraine him against his will to what they list. In briefe, I beseech you by the Crosse and passion of Christ our Redeemer that I may after so many yeares restraint be restored upon reasonable conditions to liberty, and may for the small time of my life that remaineth recreate my decayed body somewhere out of England after long griefe and languishing of imprisonment. So shall you binde me and mine, and especially my sonne unto you for ever. And this I will never cease to begge ofyou with all earnestnesse, untill you grant unto it; and that I so earnestly crave it, my most afflicted state of body constraineth me. Thake order therefore that I may hereafter be more courteouslie dealt withall; otherwise flatly I shall not be able to indure it, and put me not to any other doome then your owne. Whatsoever hereafter betide, either good or ill, I shall take it to come from your selfe alone. Vouchsafe me this favour that I may understand your minde from your selfe rather than by a short letter or by the French Embassadour. I cannot rest satisfied with the things which the Earle of Shrewbury signifieth to me, considering that they are altered dayly. When I wrote very lately to your Councell, you willed that I should acquaint you alone with my matters. (But there was no reason to have granted them so great authority to afflict me.) Yet hence I cannot but feare that some of them being my adversaries, procured this, least the rest, after they heard my most just complaint, should oppose themselves in regard as well of your honour, as of their owne duty towards you. Now it remaineth that I make spetiall suite unto you that, my minde being settled upon another life, I may have some reverent Catholique Priest, which may direct mee in my Religion to my soules health. This last office is not to be denied to the silliest wretches of basest condition. The forraine Princes Embassadours you allow the exercise of their Religion, and I of mine owne accord granted it to my subjects of contrary Religion. If this be denied me, I (I hope) shall be excused before God; but my adversaries I feare they will not escape unpunished. Certainely, it will bee a precedent for other Princes of Christendome to exercise the like severity over their subjects of different Religion, if this rigor be shewed to me an absolute Princesse and your nearest kinswoman. For so I am, and so I shall be to you as long as I live, whether my adversaries will or no, and though they stomacke it never so much. To have my house increased I desire not, but out of a certaine necessity I pray you that I may have two waiting women whom I shall have neede of in my sicknesse, and let mine adversaries fulfill their cruelty upon me in this small office of kindnesse. Whereas I am privily accused by the Earle of Shrewbury that, contrary to that which I promised to Beale, I have dealt with my sonne about conveighing my title in Scotland to him without your privitie; I pray you beleeve not Beale’s suggestions. I have promised nothing but upon certaine conditions, to which I am not tyed unless they be permitted by you. Since that time I have received no answere, and a long silence touching those matters ensued; but the practices in Scotland to the destruction of me and my sonne ceased not. This so long silence I could not construe to bee any thing else but a repulse; which I signified to you and your Councell by letters. What the French King and his mother imparted unto me, I have truely and ingenuously acquainted you withall, and asked your counsaile, but I heard not so much as a word from you. To submit my selfe to your counsaile touching my affaires, and my Country, before I knew what manner of counsaile it would be, I never intended; for this might seeme a poynt of extreame folly. What triumphes my adversaries in Scotland make over me and my Captive sonne is not unknowne unto you. For my part, I have attempted nothing there, which may prejudice you, but onely for procuring of a sound peace in that kingdome, whereof I should have as great a care as you Councell, for I am farre more interessed therein then they. I desired with all my heart to gratifie and confirme unto my sonne the title of King, and to bury all discords. Is this to plucke away the diadem from my sonne? But my adversaries and the adversaries of my family will not have it confirmed. This they cause whilest they carry their owne witnesse againt them in their breast, and out of their owne guilty conscience mis-doubt themselves.

17. Let not these and other my adversaries blinde your eyes in such sort, that while you live and see it, they may bring your nearest kindred to their graves, and undermine both Crownes; for to that purpose doe they conceive wicked ptractises against me, against my sonne, and haply against your selfe. Can it be for any good or honour to you that by their meanes I and my son, and we our selves are so long barred one from another? Recall your selfe to your innated lenity, binde your selfe to your selfe, and sithens you are a Princesse, appease your minde, and dispose it to lay downe all displeasure toward me a Princesse most nearly joyned unto you in blood, and most loving to you, that matters being compounded betwixt us, I may the more quietly depart this life, and the grones and sighes of my most afflicted soule may not ascend up to God. To whose Majesty I offer up my dayly prayers that these my most just complaints, and woefull lamentations may at length finde place with you. At Sheffield the Eighth of November, 1582.